| Issue 39
2004
States of Emergency
The Labors of Lesbian Desire in ER
By DANA HELLER
[1] In popular American television of the
past thirty years, the workplace has evolved into the primary setting for
the production of multi-plot serial narrative and ensemble character drama.
While economic shifts within the television industry can partly account for
this development, a genealogy of workplace television drama must also consider
the long-standing tendency of American culture to recruit its most potent
images and forms, to reproduce its foundational myths, and to resolve its
most debilitating social contradictions through narrative studies of the unstable
boundaries of industry and intimacy, the reproduction of wealth and the reproduction
of life, the public performance of labor and the private performance of intimacy,
domesticity, and sexuality. The social topography of the workplace in American
popular culture thus describes an evolving fantasy of late twentieth-century
American life, a fantasy embodied in what Ella Taylor calls the "television
work-family." Originating in the 1970s and reshaped by changing historical
contexts, Taylor’s identifies the television work-family as an expression
of "a cultural dilemma: on the one hand, the yearning for meaning and community
in the workplace, and on the other, the fear of the power of corporations
and of professionals in corporate settings" (14). The "familialized" workplace
allows for the symbolic resolution of conflicts arising from competing social
and cultural inducements. Whether the setting is a police station, law firm,
crime lab, hospital, or high school, the television workplace naturalizes
the disciplinary constraints of American capitalism, its administrative ethic
of professionalism, and its management of productivity by staging these processes
as emotionally gratifying extensions of the disciplinary constraints of the
oedipal family, its administrative ethic of care, and its management of sexual
desire.
[2] In other words, the American workplace
in popular narrative television is one of the primary locations for the construction
of public-personal crisis. The typical scripting of familial dynamics onto
sites of labor has effectively transformed the American television workplace
into a principle locus of intimacy, secrecy, revelation, desire, and rivalry.
In fact, in early popular dramatic series such L.A. Law, Hillstreet
Blues, and St. Elsewhere, as in contemporary shows
such as NYPD Blue, The Practice, Law &
Order, and ER, recurring characters often appear
to have no interests or relationships, sexual or otherwise, beyond the incestuous
web of professional affiliation, competition, loyalty and betrayal, that the
demanding high-stress work environment compels. While it is possible to treat
this as mimetic representation of a notoriously overworked, increasingly competitive
American labor force, popular television drama’s apparent dissolution or blurring
of the boundaries separating work and domestic life, private and public, and
its more recent investments in the development of lesbian and gay characters
and story lines, points towards a complicated critical examination of the
social, occupational, and intimate spaces and practices that constitute us
as citizens and as legible, desiring subjects of the American democratic family.
In this essay, I want to sketch out some of the broader stakes involved in
this process by analyzing the lesbian "coming-out" narrative in the popular
medical drama ER. My purpose in doing so is to demonstrate
how network television’s contradictory assertions and denials of lesbian desire
signify a redefinition of national identification that promotes a healing
universality--the therapeutic aims of liberal political culture--through the
individual capacity to oversee crises and traumas which exist at the nation’s
core.
[3]
In its previous three seasons, and its most recent tenth season,
ER has been developing—hesitatingly, in fits and starts--
a story line that focuses on one character’s acknowledgment and
acceptance of her lesbianism. For those who may be unfamiliar with
the show, Kerry Weaver, (played by Laura Innes) first became involved
in an affair with staff psychiatrist, Kim Legaspi, an out lesbian
who agrees to keep their relationship a secret at the hospital (figure1).
Despite this agreement, the ER staff soon detects their intimacy
and rumors begin to circulate, causing Weaver to feel deeply ambivalent
about her attraction to Legaspi and, at the same time, vulnerable
in her authoritative role as Chief of Emergency Medicine. This
situation is further complicated when Weaver unsuccessfully tries
to defend Legaspi against a psychiatric patient’s bogus charge of
sexual harassment, an incident that intensifies Weaver’s fears of
being "outed" at work and compels her to respond purely in the interests
of self-preservation even though her relationship with Legaspi is
already an "open secret" among their co-workers. Legaspi is fired
from County General but luckily manages to find a new position in
San Francisco. Realizing that Weaver is unable to offer her any
emotional or moral support, she ends their relationship and is written
out of the series.
[4] In ER’s eighth season Weaver continues
to struggle both with the personal knowledge that was awakened by the affair
and the political knowledge that Legaspi’s firing, and her own complicity
in it, forces her to confront: love’s knowledge, or the unleashing of the
body’s cognitive powers comes into direct conflict with the corporate and
medical management of bodies, a managerial structure that Weaver herself represents
to the hilt. Indeed, since Kerry Weaver appeared as a regular character in
ER’s second season she has been defined principally by her personal
ambitiousness and steadfast dedication to administrative policy. Weaver first
came to County General as chief resident, later becoming attending physician
in the ER, then rising to Chief of Emergency Medicine, and finally gaining
promotion to Chief of Staff. Through it all Weaver has remained as unfazed
by her physical disability (which requires that she move about the crowded
and chaotic ER with a cane) as by the fact of her controversial standing among
co-workers and colleagues, many of whom regard her as abrasive and officious.
At the same time, her professionalism and undeniable skill in emergency situations
have earned her the respect, and at times even the sympathy, of some in the
ER.
[5] However, it is precisely this conflict--the supremely competent,
hyper-efficient Weaver reduced to denial, hypocrisy, and fear of
exposure--that produces interest and speculation among Weaver’s
staff and colleagues, whose reactions to the rumors of her relationship
with Legaspi run the gamut from indifference to amusement and from
supportiveness to outright contempt. Weaver’s character is marked
during this period by a seemingly irreconcilable inner rift between
her public function as hospital administrator and her lesbian private
life. At work, she goes on an inexplicable rampage, becoming increasingly
irresponsible, unreasonable, and, at the same time, excessively
concerned about what the other doctors and hospital staff might
be saying behind her back. In the eighth season opener, "Four Corners,"
Weaver returns to the ER after what has ostensibly been a three-week
leave of absence in Nairobi, where she once lived. But it is highly
questionable whether Weaver has actually spent her leave in Africa.
On her way back to work, we see her buy a bracelet from a street
vendor who assures her that it came "direct from Kenya."
She
slips on the bracelet and, as she pulls into the hospital parking
lot, she listens to a radio talk show debate about homosexuals in
the workplace. Her reception in the ER is decidedly cool. Nervously,
she pulls Dr. Kovac aside and asks if people have been talking about
her. "People always talk about their boss," he reasons. For the
next six episodes, Weaver remains volatile and directionless, as
writers appear to put her story line on hold. Finally, in the episode
titled "Partly Cloudy, Chance of Rain" they advance Weaver’s sexual
identity crisis by introducing Lieutenant Sandy Lopez, a Latina
fire fighter for whom being out is a matter of professional integrity
and personal honor (figure 2).
[6] Weaver and Lopez begin dating, however Weaver’s neatly compartmentalized,
closeted life does not sit well with Lopez. Frustrated and irritated
by Weaver’s fear of being seen with her in public, Lopez unravels
Weaver’s professional composure in the episode aptly entitled, "A
River in Egypt." Lopez shows up unexpectedly at the ER in order
to speak with Weaver, only to be met with more of her hesitancy
and ambivalence. Tired
of the same old run-around, Lopez sighs and says, "You know,
forget it." She begins to walk away. Weaver grabs her, unwilling
to let her simply walk away, and as she does so something in Lopez
snaps. She draws Weaver forward into a furious, theatrical kiss
(figure 3). The kiss catches Weaver off guard, as she seems to
lose herself in the moment. The camera swivels around them, so that
when they break apart, we see the curious faces of staff, co-workers,
and underlings Frank, Malik, Abby, and Chen staring from the reception
desk. "Goodbye, Dr. Weaver," Lopez says quietly, fleeing
the ER and a dazed Dr. Weaver who silently returns to her work.
[7] Later, Weaver goes to the firehouse to
confront Lopez. She rails at Lopez for outing her so flagrantly, especially
when she had so closely guarded her privacy, while Lopez argues that Weaver
was lying to her about who she is. "I never misrepresented myself!"
insists Weaver. "No, you just pretend to be something you're not,"
Lopez shouts as she jumps aboard a fire truck, cautioning Weaver, "You
can't separate who you are from what you do." Weaver reminds her that
this is not her decision to make, and Lopez accuses Weaver of wanting the
best of both worlds ‑‑ to be a lesbian but to escape the hardship
that comes with it. "You don't get one without the other," she shouts,
"at least not with me." Weaver is unwilling to believe that Lopez
would kiss her in public just to make a point on principle. As the fire truck
pulls away, Lopez explains. "I did you a huge favor! You just don't know
it yet!"
[8] Finally, in the episode, "Bygones," Weaver
comes to understand this, as two seemingly disconnected Sapphic story lines
converge to effect her reconciliation with Lopez and her newly acquired self-acceptance.
First, two girls are discovered with deep, multiple stab wounds in their college
dormitory. One of them has been mortally stabbed all over her body, including
her hands. The other girl, her "best friend," according to their classmate,
has also suffered multiple stab wounds and her throat is cut. The dying girl
is brought to the ER where Dr. Weaver and a team of doctors mobilize in an
effort to save her life. However, just as it becomes evident to Weaver that
their efforts are in vain, the young girl--drenched in gore and blood, lifts
her head as if indicating a desire to speak. Weaver leans towards her and
silences the physicians still working in a frenzy around them. "I loved her,"
the girl says, and then dies. Her best friend remains unconscious with her
mother at her bedside. Weaver, who already suspects that the "attack" was
actually a lover’s murder/suicide, delicately tries to solicit information
about the nature of girls’ relationship. "Were they close," she asks? The
mother, indignant at the implications of Weaver’s question, refuses to even
entertain the possibility that there was anything peculiar about their friendship,
or that her daughter’s wounds could have been self-inflicted. At the conclusion
of the episode, the girl remains in a coma and the truth of her lover’s death
remains locked within Weaver.
[9] In the same episode, the ER receives the
victims of a three-alarm fire that has ripped through a local elementary school
and Weaver flies into a state of alarm when she learns that her former flame,
Sandy Lopez, was one of the firefighters who rushed into the inferno to save
the children trapped inside the school. She later learns from a little boy
who is brought to the ER, unharmed, that a lady firefighter--also unharmed--comforted
him in the ambulance on the way to the hospital, a piece of information which
Weaver takes as proof of Lopez’s safe escape from the burning school. Nevertheless,
she instructs Jerry to put in a call to ensure that all firefighters were
accounted for, and, later that night, she tracks Lopez at a local lesbian
bar and stands outside waiting for her at her car. Leaving the bar, Lopez
spots her, and Weaver begins explaining that she was worried and wanted to
thank her for what had done that day. At first hesitant to engage with her
at first, Lopez begins to sense that Weaver has had a change of heart, and
her suspicions are confirmed when Weaver—in a move signifying her preparedness
to own her lesbianism—passionately and publicly kisses Lopez with the camera
squarely framing their faces.
[10] Granted, this is not the first time that
a major network has depicted a same-sex kiss between women, as increasingly
such scenes are met with minimal opposition from audiences and advertisers.
This has not always been the case: many television viewers will recall the
highly controversial 1991 episode of the popular legal drama L.A. Law,
in which female attorneys C.J. Lamb and Abby Perkins kissed in a decidedly
non-platonic manner after successfully negotiating a raise for the latter.
Subsequently, sitcoms such as Roseanne and Friends, television
dramas such as Party of Five and Once and
Again, and most recently, the daytime soap opera All My
Children have featured a "lesbian" kiss. However, unlike Lopez and
Weaver, the characters involved in these scenes are "just friends" or they
are contextualized within the storyline so as to emphasize that one or both
of the women are merely experimenting and will ultimately remain committed
to heterosexual relationship (Walters 70). What distinguishes the kiss in
ER is that Weaver and Lopez are ostensibly falling in love. Viewers
are invited to assume that their kiss will be part of an ongoing relationship
and romantic narrative. Moreover, both characters mindfully embrace a lesbian
sexual orientation, with all its social consequences. Indeed, as Stephen
Tropiano has pointed out, given the fact that L.A. Law’s Abby
Perkins was heterosexual and C.J. Lamb self-identified as "flexible" (so as
to avoid future confusion, writers finished the season by locating her character
securely in a relationship with a man), it is doubtful as to whether or not
their kiss qualifies as "lesbian" at all ("When a kiss is not just
a kiss"; Prime Time Closet 89).
[11] What I would like to do now is focus
on this transformation of character, as well as some of the broader implications
of the discursive juxtapositions that have shaped--at least through the ninth
season--Kerry Weaver’s formation as a lesbian subject in a popular television
narrative. The change that takes place here is significant: Previous to
the moment in the parking lot, Weaver had not been portrayed as the active,
initiating subject of lesbian desire. With Kim, she is ambivalent, manipulative,
emotionally inaccessible, and ultimately not interested in a "lifestyle,"
as she patronizingly informs Kim over dinner one evening. If this relationship
is meant to signal her "coming out" as lesbian, it is a process that unfolds
less in terms of emotional and sexual discovery than in terms of abjection,
narcissism, and health-care mismanagement as Weaver’s advancing state of mental
distraction and her total erosion of self-confidence produce a series of administrative
blunders and medical misjudgment that she refuses to take responsibility for.
In the meantime, she resumes her ultimately unsuccessful quest to discover
the identity of her birth mother with the help of a private detective, a storyline
all but forgotten from the fourth season until writers apparently sought through
its resurrection a psychological motive for the sudden redirection of Weaver’s
sexual energies. Lesbianism, the new twist in her character development,
is scientifically rationalized as compensation for the lost and long-sought
mother.
[12] The changing social contexts that have
shaped the history of lesbian and gay representations on television have been
well documented in recent years by media critics, the vast majority of whom
acknowledge progress despite the on-going heterosexism and homophobia that
constrain and condition the visibility of queer sexuality (Hantzis; Hubert;
Keller; Moritz; Walters). While Weaver’s storyline aggressively disavows lesbian
sexual activity, it affirms intrinsic lesbian identity in a manner not unlike
the Clinton military’s "Don’t ask, Don’t tell" policy in which one is permitted
to be gay or lesbian so long as one refrains from engaging in homosexual acts--a
long-standing precondition for the presentation of lesbian and gay characters
on major network television since ABC’s 1973 broadcast of the made-for-TV-movie,
That Certain Summer, about a gay father (played by Hal Holbrooke) coming
out to his son Thirty years later, Weaver’s workplace coming-out narrative
continues to be constrained by the presumed limits of mainstream acceptability,
although there is clearly willingness on the part of producers, directors,
and writers to test these limits. On ER, such "tests" are measured
by moments of public affirmation, moments that often take hospital staff,
including Weaver herself, by surprise. In the episode entitled "Rampage,"
after the notoriously sexist, homophobic, Dr. Romano fires Dr. Legaspi, Weaver
delivers an ultimatum to him: "If she goes, I go." "What?"
Romano scoffs. "You had better choose your battles very carefully!"
he warns. "You are chief of emergency medicine, not the County's lesbian
advocate!" Content with his outburst, he turns away, but Weaver continues,
resolute in her outrage: "That's where you're wrong, Robert, because
I am both. I am the chief of emergency medicine and I am a lesbian. And if
you pursue this matter any further, I will take it to the county board of
supervisors, the ACLU, the press, and anyone else who will listen. So I suggest
you choose your battles very carefully!" Romano falls speechless as he
watches Weaver exit the room. She makes for the elevator and angrily hits
the "close" button. As the door shuts, she reaches out to steady herself against
the wall and places a hand over her mouth, in disbelief of what she has just
done.
[13] The cultural work that Weaver’s coming
out narrative performs is well summed up in that singular image: in fact it
could stand itself as a case study in network television’s shifting technologies
of accommodation and containment for screening public queerness. Weaver’s
eruption (which turns out to be an empty threat) and subsequent self-muzzling
is an expression of the ambivalent pride and prejudice that gay and lesbian
television characters are enjoined to sustain as networks assume, at best,
inconsistent tolerance for homosexuality in the public sphere on the part
of viewers and corporate sponsors. However, read in the context of a blockbuster
primetime medical drama, replete with a cast of recurring characters whose
personal crises provide the backdrop for non-stop medical emergencies, Weaver’s
sexual identity crisis reflects cultural anxieties stemming from the question
of lesbianism’s compatibility with the management of one’s own body, and by
extension, the question of lesbianism’s compatibility with the care and well-being
of the democratic body, the disciplined labor of the American body politic.
[14] In other words, in its on-going focus on the tumultuous intimate relationships
of attending physicians, their marital discord, their backgrounds of wealth
and economic disadvantage, their struggles against racism and ethnic dislocation,
the overcoming of barriers based on gender and physical handicap, plus the
kaleidoscopic, revolving-door demographics of the urban Emergency Room, the
pattern of dramatic family trauma mapped over graphic images of bodily and
health crisis, ER has managed nine successful network seasons by presenting
narratives that simultaneously exploit and seek to resolve fears of social
instability and mismanagement of the rapidly changing and vulnerable body
of the nation. The pace of the show is "an acknowledgement of a medicalised
public sphere that is increasingly concerned with the dramatic potency of
the traumatized human body" (Jacobs, "Hospital Drama" 24). The swiftly-moving
Steadicam that has become ER’s aesthetic signature naturalizes such
routine chaos, the daily trafficking of wounded and diseased bodies, as the
camera zips erratically around corners and dashes restlessly down hallways.
As they race about, ER doctors and medics speak rapidly to one another in
a highly specialized (and reportedly accurate) jargon that writers know most
viewers will not understand. But it is precisely the mystification of their
professional vocabulary that generates viewers’ faith in ER doctors’ abilities
to wrest the truth from each newly delivered, inarticulate mass of flesh and
make split-second life or death decisions based on that knowledge. In such
an environment, doctors themselves become divine manifestations of a truth
that our bodies conceal from us: the powers we grant them do not admit to
shame and self-loathing.
[15] Weaver’s traumatic coming out process,
and the shame and self-loathing that have accompanied that process, makes
sense within this pattern. Part of the sense, at least, is that anxieties
and insecurities about proper gendering and sexual behavior--particularly
in relation to other markers of identity such as race, ethnicity, and class--
have remained central to twentieth-century debates over the health of American
society and culture. The truth of one’s sex and the symbolic manifestations
of one’s relationship to that truth are measures of a mythical, much longed-for
coherence that helps hold the nation (and its others) in place. This coherence
has been manufactured through what Lauren Berlant calls a "nationalist politics
of intimacy," a conservative ideological agenda that has personalized the
space of citizenship and national culture by making the private heterosexual
family the foundation of our national survival (7). At the same time, as
Andrea Slane has recently demonstrated, modern liberal democratic discourse
is equally invested in the manufacturing of social coherence out of diversity,
a unity assembled from different concepts of sexuality and nation. "On one
hand," she argues, "the concept of ‘sexuality’ developed as a consequence
of the formation of modern nations and might have been integral thereto, in
that a focus on individual behaviors and bodies connected each citizen to
the notion of the body politic. On the other hand, the late-twentieth century
political focus on sexuality has unique features which speak to more recent
global and national political changes" (7). The dissolution
of Cold War tensions, new patterns of immigration, globalization’s weakening
of the nation-state, as well as the international procession of social upheavals
and movements of the 1960s--feminist, socialist, environmentalist, anti-racist,
and anti-homophobic--brought about a number of critical shifts in the political
organization of cultural identities, knowledge, and institutions. The specific contours of these shifts are contextual,
and within the United States they are very diverse because of the increasingly
multi-cultural composition of American institutions, public and private.
It has thus becomes all the more important for the United States to secure
consensus around the fantasy of heterosexuality as an expression of our truthful
nature. Through its repeated representation and performance, heterosexuality
marks the truth that naturally binds the nation together.
[16] Thus, homosexuality remains, within the
specifications of popular narrative contexts, a highly ambivalent discourse
in the cultural imagining of American democracy and its other(s). The limited
conventions that would allow for the absorption of lesbian sexuality into
mainstream network narrative tend to be disciplinary conventions that operate
within the legible structures of consensus that define woman, labor, and nation.
Insofar as Weaver’s careerism, cantankerousness, and physical handicap have
defined her largely in contrast to ER’s more traditionally feminine
characters, romantic heroines such as Susan Lewis, Carol Hathaway, Jing-Mei
(Deb) Chen, and Abby Lockhart, she is positioned on the margins of the dominant
culture yet at the same time remains central to the professional managerial
culture of the hospital. Weaver’s coming out is staged as an extension of
the trope of medical "emergency" into national debates over workplace equity
and the wisdom of allowing "out" lesbians and gays to perform in intimate,
caring social roles and professions, in the home as well as the workplace,
and particularly in those roles that serve as institutional extensions of
the family (such as teaching, boy scouting, parenting, the priesthood, etc.).
Weaver’s crisis of sexual identity and desire constitutes a "public personal
crisis" within the realm of perpetual personal crises that are everyday made
public by the mechanisms and operations of institutional care-giving, the
life of the ER. Bodily trauma, the social and economic management of bodies
in crisis, bodies cut open and made vulnerable to the operations of state
agencies, corporate power structures and profit-driven bureaucracies have
provided the foundation for narratives of revelation and confession, bodily
spillage and transgression, all of which must ultimately be stitched back
together and re-contained within the healing national body of myth generated
and regenerated by ER since the show’s inception.
[17] In this sense, the bloody spectacle of
the mortally stabbed co-ed in "Bygones," the victim of a lesbian love affair
gone awry or unable to sustain itself in an homophobic culture, provides the
ideal punitive counterpart to Weaver’s sudden affirmation of desire, her determination
to find and seduce the erstwhile cause of her public humiliation, openly on
the streets of Chicago. Medical drama here meets slasher genre, as the open
body-- the body turned inside out--signals the attainment of sexual knowledge
and the embrace of adult sexual agency, all of which Carol Clover’s designated
"final girl" resists in the typical slasher narrative by dint of remaining
a mobile, androgynous point of identification for young male viewers. The
cut body, Clover reminds us, is a body that has met its demise through intimate
contact, a crime of proximity (103). As Weaver recognizes her own complicity
in this girl’s death, she is enlisted in the role of witness to a conspiracy
of deadly silence, a conspiracy that she supports. The messy truth that lies
beyond medical knowledge bleeds out uncontrollably. And then, as the girl
utters her last words, Weaver is drawn into her confidence, a rapt participant
in the spectacle of transformation that points to the transformative possibility
of every emergency--the embrace of death and lesbian love.
[18] At the same time, the girl’s confession
stages a visualizing ritual, the effects of which are broadly social as well
as narrative. Understandably, the dying girl’s disclosure contributes to the
episode’s emotional and dramatic appeal. But more importantly, the words,
"I loved her," thrust the lesbian body into a field of social knowledge, marking
it as visible, conscious, and dangerously at risk. Weaver, whose function
at the deathbed scene is a jumble of disciplinary roles--part physician, part
surrogate parent, and part priest--appears uncharacteristically pained by
the girl’s admission. This suggests a departure from Weaver’s customary stoicism,
an unusual moment of voyeuristic absorption into her patient’s transgressions
and pleasures. From the perspective of the dying girl, confession begs forgiveness.
According to Steven Poole, this should come as no surprise when we consider
that "hospitals to some degree are the churches of modernity…those places
where individuals from all classes and walks of life gather together, united
by fear of death and hope of salvation" (18). The medicalized scene of confession
stages the urgency of revealing oneself and one’s body before the doctor to
whom we look for hope or absolution. In this particular case, it blurs the
boundaries between god and sinner, doctor and patient, murderer and victim.
Nevertheless, as lesbian desire breathes its final breath, it submits itself
to a "regime of scientific visibility" that sustains "biomedical relations
of power and knowledge" (Mensah 140). Moreover, lesbian desire submits itself
to the social body, or to a regime of therapeutic visibility that underwrites
the liberal democratic rhetoric of inclusiveness by assuming that rights and
legitimacy are granted only to those minoritized groups who make themselves
distinguishable before the eyes and ears of the body politic. As the attending
physician whose powers are insufficient to save the girl and as a closeted
lesbian, Weaver is, so to speak, turned inside-out by the deathbed confession.
This is what determines her subsequent return to Lopez, who has spent her
day, not insignificantly, rescuing innocent children from hellfire. Weaver’s
reunion with Lopez constitutes her confession, her assumption of the patient/sinner’s
role. Her moral illness/sin, however, is not lesbian desire itself, but her
earlier denial of its proper relation to the ethic of caring for others and
for oneself. Perhaps even more to the point, it provides the scene for her
avowal in the modern juridical sense that Foucault outlines, as "the
effect of a power that constrains us" (60). And through her confession Weaver
places herself safely under state surveillance and control, no threat to the
stability of paternal order and normative heterosexuality.
[19] Feminist media critics have argued along
similar lines, as in Bonnie J. Dow’s study of the highly publicized "coming-out"
performance of Ellen DeGeneres/Ellen Morgan, the star and main character of
the ABC sitcom, Ellen. Taking Foucault’s repressive hypothesis as
her model, Dow considers that while DeGeneres appeared to liberate herself
from the constraints of silence and oppression through the many magazine feature
stories, television interviews, and confessional rituals surrounding Ellen’s
coming-out episode, in fact she only repositioned herself within a different
kind of regulatory regime, one that constrains the visibility of homosexuality
on network television by channeling it through discourses of depoliticization
and personalization. Moreover, and contrary to the widespread assumption that
Ellen represented a milestone in the history of gay and lesbian visibility
on television, Dow argues that the sitcom differed very little from earlier
representations, particularly in its preoccupation with the effects of Ellen’s
revelation on her personal relationships with heterosexuals (131-2). What
this preoccupation suggests is that Ellen, like so many "progressive"
visualizations of lesbians on television, was primarily concerned with ensuring
the comfort of heterosexual viewers.
[20] In sketching out ER’s contradictory
visualization of the lesbian, it is worth noting that Weaver’s coming out
storyline is reminiscent of an earlier ER storyline in which physician’s
assistant Jeanie Boulet (played by Gloria Ruben) discovers that she has been
infected with HIV from her ex-husband. Although she tries to hide her HIV
status from co-workers, even going so far as to lie about her condition, Mark
Greene discovers the truth from reading Jeanie’s medical records. Rumors that
someone on the staff is infected with HIV begin to fly. Jeanie is finally
compelled to confess that she is a HIV carrier, a moment that becomes one
of a series of self-disclosures through which Jeanie is increasingly seen
and known as a healthy functional HIV positive African-American woman. Her
confession also prompts hospital administrators to confront their own irrational
prejudice and to devise a fair and compassionate policy for HIV-infected staff.
As Maria Nengeh Mensah argues, ER often relies on confession as a narrative
strategy that reinforces biomedical strategies that allow us to see, classify,
and contain disease and pathology in women. However, in the case of Jeanie
Boulet the question of "how to see HIV in women" remains tied to the question
of "how to see women with HIV" (149). The same may be said of ER’s
portrayal of Weaver’s coming out: while we await the biomedical breakthrough
that may one day make it possible to see lesbianism in women, and while script
writers flounder in their efforts to show the psychic and emotional origins
of Weaver’s orientation, the more urgent question for ER, as for network
television in general, is how heterosexual viewers see women who are lesbian.
[21] Undoubtedly, how
viewers see lesbians has much to do with the historical contexts in which
they are framed. And here I should note that in ER’s eighth season,
which in the autumn of 2001, Lieutenant Sandy Lopez represented more than
Weaver’s new love interest. She also represented a new breed of American
hero that appeared in the mass media in the aftermath of September 11, 2001.
At this time, firefighters, police, and emergency medical workers--ordinary
working class people doing their ordinary jobs--emerged in American popular
culture as extraordinary. By tapping into the post-9/11 exaltation of the
nation’s emergency rescue workers, ER writers were able to deflect
attention away from the "ick factor" of homosexuality. The courageous and
stubborn Lopez could be seen as a living cross-reference to those who had
recently lost their lives in the course of their routine labors; she embodied
the tremendous degree of consensual equilibrium between American social and
cultural groups that was momentarily created by the attacks. History itself
would seem to have imbued Lieutenant Lopez with the right symbolic capital
to market her across social, ethnic, and ideological boundaries.
[22] While it is tempting to situate Weaver
and Lopez within this narrative, the post-9/11 working class hero represented--above
all--a persevering, indefatigable American masculinity (Bloodgood). The firefighter
in post-9/11 media and popular culture became an important figure through
which the nation was encouraged to seek compensation for symbolic castration.
From this perspective, Kaja Silverman’s notion of "historical trauma," or
a crisis of faith in the adequacy of masculinity, is useful in understanding
the cultural and symbolic meanings that became attached to firefighters in
the mass media wake of 9/11 as television dramas such as First Watch
played a major role in reaffirming and sustaining collective faith in masculine
adequacy and the coherence of the national body. However the firefighter
also assumed a pervasive symbolic function as a cultural locus of ideological
struggle and conflict, a crucial site for the questioning and renegotiation
of gender and sexuality in a time of national crisis. Alongside photographic
images of firefighters standing atop mountains of steel debris, gallantly
hoisting the American flag, some of the most widely circulated images of 9/11
images depict firefighters emotionally embracing one another and fighting
back tears during the memorial services following the attacks. These popular
images challenged the category of classic American masculinity. For example,
the photographs of Father Mychal Judge, the openly gay Franciscan chaplain
of the New York City Fire department, as his ashen body was carried from the
rubble of the World Trade Center after being killed by falling debris, was
hailed as a modern pieta. His image, widely circulated on the Internet and
included in popular commemorative photography books, came to symbolize the
crucial ideological link between Christianity and nation, American godliness
and American patriotism. The revelation that Father Mychal had been a leading
public advocate for homosexual rights did little to undermine his popular
status as national hero and martyr.
[23] As heroic abstraction, the urban firefighter,
fortified by his comrades-in-arms, preserved an image of the nation intact
not unlike classic American war photography from generation’s past. However,
in the controversy surrounding the design of the $180,000 memorial sculpture
based on Thomas E. Franklin’s image of three firefighters
raising the American flag at Ground Zero (an image noted for its striking
resemblance to the 1945 World War II image
of six marines raising the flag at Iwo Jima) it became evident that
images and myths of the nation’s past are inadequate to defining who we are
today as a nation, or even more importantly, how we wish to see ourselves.
When a clay model of the bronze sculpture was unveiled on December 21, 2001,
the three white firefighters of Franklin’s photograph had been replaced with
one white, one African-American, and one Hispanic firefighter. In this way,
the ritual consumption of images consecrating the firefighter, heir to the
American masculine ideal, became part of the collective process of re-imagining
social relationships and relations across axes of national power, race, ethnicity,
gender, and sexuality.
[24] What I would argue is that popular television dramas such as First
Watch and ER played a part in this process of commemorating and
re-imagining the heroic labors of "other" national subjects. Specifically,
in appearing to consecrate both post-9/11 American heroism and a lesbian
love affair that crosses lines of ethnicity as well as social class, ER
writers placed the Lopez-Weaver story-line at center of a process of cultural
and social remembering, a process by which myths of the past are being rewritten
to accommodate new possibilities, new romances, new niche markets. In these
new myths, talented hospital administrators such as Kerry Weaver and dedicated
firefighters such as Sandy Lopez become potent defenders of our personal and
national security--champions of the endangered child within us all. Significantly,
both women hold jobs that are traditionally coded as "men’s
jobs," labor requiring the institutional authority and physical strength associated
with masculinity. However, their visibility as lesbians is still conditioned
by narrative rituals of disclosure that contain homosexuality within structures
of surveillance and accommodate it to an image of the democratic family and
its proper alignment of sex and gender. It is
important, therefore, that Weaver and Lopez perform their public duties on
behalf of conventionally feminine interests, such as child-safety,
sensitivity, and compassion. Accordingly, when Romano taunts Dr. Carter with
the line, "I told Weaver to fire you, but
you can't trust a lesbian to do a man's job," he expresses not only the
cliché that lesbians vainly aspire to be masculine but the threat that her
"out" status at work poses to his privileging of managerial effectiveness
and emotional detachment. ("Insurrection")
[25] Additionally it is important to note
that while Lopez’s character is multiply marked as firefighter, lesbian, and
Latina, race and ethnicity have not figured significantly in her character’s
limited development within the series, nor has the potentially rich interracial
dimension of the romance between Weaver and Lopez informed their storyline.
The omission, which would seem to suggest that Lopez is only incidentally
Latina, positions her character within the dilemma experienced by many gay
men and lesbians of color who, in certain social and political contexts, feel
compelled to choose between their ethnic identities and their queer identities,
as if one could be sacrificed without the other. Part of the problem is that
viewers rarely see Lopez interacting with anyone other than Weaver: she appears
to have no family, no friends, and no connection to a larger community of
Latinos or lesbians. However, through Lopez’s embodiment of the devoted firefighter
and Latin lover, viewers are positioned to read Latina lesbian sexuality as
butch sexuality, a role only hinted at in fleeting remarks, such as when Lopez
first meets Weaver and proudly informs her that she is just one of the "guys,"
the only female firefighter in Company B ("Quo Vadis?"). Such coded invitations
to view racial difference through the suggestion of butch identity correspond,
on one hand, with the stereotypical representation of Latinos as hot-blooded
and impetuous. At the same time, Lopez’s obvious intelligence, strength,
self-possession, and physical attractiveness constitute a powerful mass cultural
"disidentification" (to borrow José Esteban Muñoz’s useful term) with the
history of butch stereotyping in the dominant media as well as with the history
of Latina stereotyping. We can read the latter in the character of Rosario
Salazar, the abused and much-ridiculed Salvadorian maid, (played by Shelley
Morrison), who works for the wealthy socialite, Karen Walker (played by Megan
Mullally), in the sitcom Will and Grace. Indeed, the extent to which
Latina femininity remains fixed within the two-fold frame of sexual spitfire
and abject domestic, even in scripts touted as socially progressive and queer-positive,
is a reminder of the importance of disidentification, a concept that Muñoz
posits as a powerful mode of scrambling and reconstructing "the encoded message
of a cultural text in a fashion that both exposes the encoded message’s universalizing
and exclusionary machinations and recircuits its workings to account for,
include, and empower minority identities and identifications" (31). To consider
Lopez as an example of this process is to consider ways in which network television
texts may intentionally or unintentionally perform such scrambling or make
available such repositionings in the process of cross-marketing to diverse
audiences.
[26] Almost halfway through ER’s ninth
season, in the episode entitled "Walk Like a Man," Weaver once again becomes
the subject of rumor and critical scrutiny. Susan and Abby, engaged in private
conversation, retreat into the women’s restroom and are soon distracted by the sound of an object hitting
the floor. They turn to find a syringe on the floor of a stall that is occupied
by Weaver, who behaves as if nothing out of the ordinary has happened. Perplexed
as to what Weaver might be doing in the bathroom with a syringe, Susan later
approaches her to ask if she’s all right. Weaver reluctantly admits that
she is taking hormones. Her confession is juxtaposed, once again, with
images of intense bitchiness, mental distraction, and medical mishap, a vivid
example of which occurs when she appears on local television as "Dr. Kerry" in a news segment promoting flu shots.
While demonstrating for the cameras how quick and painless the flu shot is,
Weaver unthinkingly (and uncharacteristically) vaccinates her two interviewers
using the same needle. In almost the same instant we see the mistake register
on her face, as she looks straight into the news camera, horror-struck.
[27] In the following episode
"Tell Me Where it Hurts," Sandy Lopez reappears in the ER after a long period
of absence from the script, as she and Weaver make public the news that they
are pregnant. Their happy domesticity,
indicated by a brief scene in the episode "A Little Help From My Friends,"
in which Lopez prepares to paint the nursery while Weaver teases her about
her "nesting" impulse, is soon shattered. At work later the same day, one
of the nurses notices some blood on Weaver’s physician’s coat and assumes
that it is from a wounded patient. Weaver, realizing that the blood is her
own, calmly goes into an empty treatment room in order to use the Sonosight
and is stunned when she cannot find the baby’s heartbeat. Abby enters the
room and gently suggests that Weaver see an obstetrician and go home. Weaver
declines, preferring to let the miscarriage occur "naturally." Although she
eventually does see the OB, who assures her that the miscarriage is proceeding
normally, and although she finally breaks down and cries in the arms of a
deaf patient (a scene in which we discover Weaver’s fluency in sign language),
Weaver oddly refuses to leave the ER before her shift is over or allow anyone
to contact Lopez at work to inform her about the miscarriage.
[28] I want to raise two points with respect
to the contradictory development of the Weaver-Lopez story-line in ER’s
ninth season. First, as Weaver grows increasingly more comfortable with being
out at the hospital, writers seem to grow increasingly less so. Indeed, so
long as Weaver remained in the closet, reluctant to be seen as openly lesbian,
Lopez’s pride and refusal to separate who she is from what she does provided
the ideal counterweight, a balancing act that positions the Latina as the
righteous moral voice of social activism and progress. In other words, through
Weaver and Lopez writers could reflect divided public opinion on the limits
of gay and lesbian civil rights and, at the same time, advocate for greater
acceptance of gay and lesbian visibility by channeling that struggle through
the discourse of multiculturalism that Lopez implicitly stands in for. However,
once Weaver ostensibly accepts her lesbianism and comes out to co-workers
the ambivalence that had earlier registered in her character shifts to the
plot, as every progressive image of lesbian intimacy and coupling seems to
call forth an equal and opposite regressive image. Certainly, Weaver’s pregnancy
and subsequent miscarriage make for dramatic television, but more than that
her miscarriage suggests high ambivalence about whether mainstream America
is prepared to accept a lesbian couple as both parents and as fully
authorized participants in the political public sphere. In this way, Weaver’s
miscarriage reflects much more than the reluctance of ER writers to
offend so-called majority opinion, but additionally reflects the state’s reluctance
to carry justice to full term for women and queers in this country, on one
hand affirming gay and lesbian aspirations to participate in traditional family
life, and on the other hand appeasing the homophobic elements of American
culture by putting the lesbian couple back in their proper place by the end
of the season. The long-running NBC sitcom Friends, which had already
set a precedent for portraying lesbian childbirth (in the case of Ross’s ex-wife
and her girlfriend), circumvented controversy by focusing principally on Ross’s
conflicted personal feelings as he anticipates the birth of a child that he,
in fact, fathered. In this way, Friends managed to promote urban liberal
tolerance toward lesbian families, presenting such arrangements as acceptable
to the extent that they obtain heterosexual approval and retain male heterosexual
participation and presence at their emotional core.
[29] Moreover, as a situation comedy, Friends
is able to contain potentially controversial subject matter within the "safe
and familiar" comedic conventions of the genre, which include the feminization
of male characters coded as intellectual (Ross is an academic, a paleontologist,
and therefore unlikely to pose any masculine threat to his ex-wife or her
new lover); sexual tension (viewers are invited to take greater interest in
the possibility of romance between Ross and Rachel than in the lesbian ex-wife
subplot); and the centrality of interpersonal relationships over characters’
struggles with society and institutions (Battles and Hilton-Morrow 87). Contemporary
medical drama relies less on these conventions, instead emphasizing realism
as well as the tensions and personal conflicts that result from the unrelenting
demands of the workplace (Jacobs, Body Trauma 14). As physician and
aspiring lesbian mother, Weaver’s "labor" in the ER takes on dual meaning
here, referring not only to her managerial relationship to bodily trauma but
to the traumatic and prolonged birth pangs of discursive elements new to the
portrayal of lesbians on television. These elements must still be assimilated
into the familiar televisual frames that advertisers and viewers are assumed
to be comfortable with, and increasingly these frames correspond to American
"family values." Accordingly, Weaver and Lopez are framed within conventional
gestures of attachment resonant of Berlant’s "nationalist politics
of intimacy," gestures that cross from private
to public, from the nursery to the ER. In fact, they are portrayed as more
family oriented than any of the heterosexual characters on the show, almost
all of whom are single, (Susan annuls her marriage, the result of a drunken
bender, and then becomes pregnant by the same man; Mark Green dies of a brain
tumor, leaving Elizabeth free for future romantic entanglements), childless
(Jing Mei gives her bi-racial illegitimate child up for adoption), and inclined
to serial monogamy with other hospital employees.
[30] However, despite the ninth season revelation that
Weaver and Lopez have moved in together and decided to make a baby, viewers
are continually prompted to wonder where the couple’s deepest emotional commitments
lie. Again and again, Weaver’s true family turns out to be her "work-family,"
the assemblage of co-workers and patients, who week after week scrutinize
her behavior, intrude on her privacy, talk behind her back, and offer her
companionship and comfort in her moments of emotional need. Analee Newitz
argues that the dissolution of public/private boundaries on ER presents
"a synthesis of the most disturbing elements of work and family" (96). And
yet, by comparison ER story-lines have failed to develop any emotional
depth in Weaver’s non-work relationship with Lopez. They are shown together
in fleeting instances, brief scenes of conflict or confession. When Weaver
begins to miscarry, her reluctance to phone home or inform Lopez would certainly
seem to bode poorly for the future of their story-line. Moreover, Lopez’s
negative response to Weaver’s request that she try to carry a baby suggests
that their desires may be fundamentally different: Lopez is first and foremost
a firefighter, the "roof man," and she is unwilling to sacrifice her hard-earned
position to pregnancy ("A Boy Falling From the Sky"). The final image we
see of the couple in season nine is Lopez confessing to Weaver that she feels
no desire to carry a child inside her, even though she knows that she ought
to want this.
[31] Imagine viewers’ surprise then, when halfway through ER’s
tenth season Lopez and Weaver bring a child into the world, with
Lopez as birth mother. This surprising turn of plot occurs with
neither warning nor fanfare in the episode "NICU." The narrative
traces the day-by-day discoveries and challenges of Abby Lockhart
(now an aspiring doctor) and Neela Rasgotra (a new British-Indian
med student, played by Parminder K. Nagra) as they undergo their
rotation in neonatology. How Weaver finally convinced Lopez to
carry the fetus, how they obtained sperm, or how Lopez managed her
responsibilities as a pregnant firefighter are all good questions,
none of which are addressed in the storyline. Rather,
the lesbian childbirth subplot is casually absorbed into the high-strung
procession of infant births and deaths that direct the routine labors
of the neonatal intensive care unit. Abby literally happens upon
Weaver and Lopez in the delivery room, arriving just in time to
assist with the birth of the baby boy whom they name Henry (figure
4). Later, she remarks that she had no idea Lopez was even pregnant.
"Nobody did," Weaver assures her, or rather assures the audience,
who by this point must be wondering what they missed and when they
missed it. But it would appear that ER writers made a last
minute decision about the scene, perhaps the result of pressure
to advance the Weaver-Lopez storyline without asking viewers to
confront the obstacles that lesbian couples actually face in their
efforts to become parents, obstacles humorously dealt with in the
HBO film If These Walls Could Talk II, and sensitively portrayed
in the Showtime series Queer As Folk and The "L" Word.
Above all, however, "NICU" is an episode concerned with education.
Abby and Neesa learn some challenging lessons about themselves,
the fragility of neonatal life, and the compassion and tolerance
that it takes to succeed in medicine. And, within that frame, it
is certainly possible to read Weaver and Lopez’s ultimate triumph
in childbirth as a stealth lesson in compassionate social inclusiveness,
offhandedly delivered to network audiences.
[32] Accounting for the medical drama’s increase in popularity during the
decade of the 1990s, Jason Jacobs observes that the period "represented an
unprecedented intensification of the medicalisation of everyday life: regular
health scares, the theorization of the ‘risk society,’ the state promotion
of ‘healthy living’ as a moral as much as a medical imperative all contributed
to a popular engagement with the fictional depiction of hospital life. At
the same time, with the collapse of the old distinctions between Left and
Right, and the narrowing of politics to a managerial role, any sense of social
change became collapsed on to the body itself…" ("Hospital Drama" 26). As
a drama of the body in various states of transformation, loss, and recovery,
ER is a show deeply engaged with public debates about the possibility--indeed,
even the desirability--of meaningful social change. It was probably only
a matter a time before the drama of coming out, or the (re)presentation of
the lesbian/gay body to the public as meaningfully itself, found its way into
the ER script. However, it has done so at a time when coming-out narratives
are generally viewed as relics of an earlier stage of gay and lesbian cultural
expression, outmoded attempts to ground homosexual identity in a moment of
revelatory becoming that ignores the fact that all sexuality involves a public
performance that can be likened to a process of emergence. Perhaps the greatest
emergency that network television shows such as ER will face in their
increasing experimentation with queer character development is that coming
out constitutes less of a crisis for the lesbian than it does for the society
to which she presents herself. The knowledge that is engendered by the act
of coming out precipitates an emergency in the normative health and stability
of the familialized social sphere, particularly to the extent that institutions
remain invested in the maintenance of a structural, political opposition between
homo and hetero desires. The impulse to construct crisis around the coming-out
narrative, the need to wring drama, and personal trauma out of a particular
mode of self-knowledge is one of the more disingenuous covers for shoring
up this fictional opposition. Perhaps a revival of critical interest in coming
out stories is called for, specifically one that understands the genre as
a manifestation of collective social trauma, an aesthetic labor of destabilization,
and a strategic displacement of national emergency and transformative possibility
onto the emerging subject of lesbian desire.
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Figure 1, "Laura Innes as Dr. Kerry Weaver," Sarah Warn, "ER’s
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Figure 4, "Sandy, Kerry, and baby Henry."
CONTRIBUTOR'S NOTE
DANA HELLER is Professor of English and Director
of the Humanities Institute and Graduate Program at Old Dominion
University in Norfolk, Virginia. She is the author of Family
Plots: The De-Oedipalization of Popular Culture and the editor
of Cross Purposes: Lesbians, Feminists, and the Limits of Alliance.
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Copyright
©2003
Ann Kibbey.
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