| Issue 40
2004
Technologies of Race Special Effects, Fetish, Film, and the Fifteenth
Century
By MARK WINOKUR
| Note: Click on each
image to see an enlargement of it. |
Bird’s Eye View: The West Discovers an Other
[1] In periodizing film studies as a modern/modernist phenomenon
simply because film technology emerges at the end of the nineteenth
century, film scholars sometimes miss the opportunity to discuss
the origins of ideologies that are as much a part of film as film
technology itself. After discussing the various technologies
that lead up to film (the magic lantern), or ideas that seem directly
related either to the pictorial aspect of film (Renaissance optics)
or to film narrative (Charles Dickens), we "seen our duty and
we done it." In a complementary manner, academic cultural studies,
which tends toward a synchronic structuralist approach, tends
to Polaroid its subject, examining it in the context of a single
historical moment (even if that moment endures for thirty years).
The more general susceptibility for periodization and specialization
within scholarly disciplines inclines toward the same effect.
Some critics stand of course as notable exceptions to the rule
of synchronicity, but they almost always belong to an earlier
period of film scholarship, when literature, philosophy, language,
and art history were all sloppily lumped together.
[2] One problem with the attractions of such synchronicity is
a propensity for ignoring all but the local "efficient" causes
for American film representation. So, for example, the origin
of African American representation in film, when considered at
all, is regarded as deriving from fin-de-siécle minstrelsy.
(Michael Rogin’s Blackface, White Noise: Jewish Immigrants
in the Hollywood Melting Pot and the Marlon Riggs’s documentary
Ethnic Notions (1987) are good examples of this kind of
criticism. But what if, like Jean-Louis Baudry—who in the
1970s related Andre Bazin, Plato, Freud, and film—one were
to discuss once more the ideological implications for film studies
of an idea that precedes the existence of film by several hundreds
of years? What if, at the possible expense of committing the
kind of factual error committed in Sergei Eisenstein’s discussion
of film and the ideogram, we think once more about the larger
historical context into which film fits? What if, like Baudry,
we think of history analogically rather than, as cultural studies
has taught us, simply causally?
[3] The fetish has been discussed in three influential ways:
first, as a religious icon first documented by fifteenth-century
Portuguese sailors and subsequently the object of research in
(especially nineteenth-century) anthropology; second, as a fact
of capitalist economy described by Marx in the middle of the nineteenth
century; and finally as a fact of psychical life first described
by sexologists near the end of the nineteenth century. The commodity
fetish and the psychic fetish have been most important to cultural
studies and representation theory because, more than anthropology,
psychoanalysis and Marxism are cross-disciplinary theoretical
models. However, both because etymology is almost coequal with
definition, and because the disappearance of any third term always
smacks of repression, I would like to examine the anthropological
notion of the fetish for a moment, returning to film scholarship
with what we might learn.
[4] According to the most exhaustive scholar of the anthropological
version of the fetish, William Pietz, the history of the fetish
is in large measure the history of the first encounters between
the new world and the old, which is to say between Europe and
Africa/the Americas. It is a coinage related to the phenomenon
we understand at present as "border crossings," or cross-cultural
encounters. As either or both a corruption of a medieval term
for witchcraft and/or a caconym of some now-lost African term,
the feitiço was Portuguese coinage used to denote both
a repudiated medieval past, and the investment of spirituality
in the material in a way that was inexplicable to European explorers.
One of Pietz’s primary examples is not in fact the religious fetish
as we have come to identify it—the totem pole or the voodoo
doll or mandala jewelry—but gold, for which Africans had
a great reverence, but which they traded for very cheap beads
and jewelry. Thus, the fetish stands for the space of negotiation
between two cultures whose values are mutually mysterious and
untranslatable. In this respect, Pietz is in that camp of postcolonial
writers for whom cultural interchange is bi-directional. Perhaps
chief among such theorists is Homi Bhabha, whose principal work—The
Location of Culture—has become the chief methodological
resource for this approach.
[5] The early modern anthropological fetish, then, acquires a
number of qualities that we think of as having been attributed
to it within later psychoanalysis or Marxism. It is associated
with the primitive, the irrational, and the mysterious. It is
a mystification of another culture’s relation to the material
and economic realms. As such, it is a symbol that both mediates
between and hides the true socioeconomic relationships between
two cultures. It is not, however, a symbol without a referent:
it refers to the weltanschauung of another culture, but
in an exploitatively mistaken manner. It is méconnaissance
at the cultural level, a newly mistaken Western notion. Because
it is lost, however, the originary African idea of the fetish
suggests, not that no African or new-world presence exists apart
from its representation by the West, but that the notion of the
fetish is both a projection—for example, of the early modern
catholic/protestant problem of iconographic representation—and
the (mis-)recognition of a newly perceived culture’s new orientation
toward the material. The fetish represents both orientalism and
méconnaissance, two psychoanalytic notions that were always,
in some unacknowledged way, related.
[6] Further, if one credits the Foucauldian-derived notion that
skin color is not an important defining category until the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, best exemplified by Ivan Hannaford’s
Race: The History of an Idea, such constructs as the fetish
were, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the dominant categories
that distinguished between cultures whose differences would later
be more importantly denoted by pigmentation. Fetishism as an
anthropological term denoted arbitrariness and primitivism in
culture; tribal Africa was initially enslavable not (or not simply)
because it was black but, for example, because it was not identifiably
Christian and did not practice emergent capitalism.
[7] In short, the Portuguese coinage of the word already suggests
the most important property of both the psychoanalytic and Marxist
fetish: it’s there and it isn’t: a different culture exists, but
not as imagined by the explorer. The properties described by
Marx and Freud in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
are already connoted by the word at the moment of its coinage
as a proto-anthropological term. As a corruption of something
original that is immediately lost to Western culture, the feitiço
signifies both presence and absence as much for the Portuguese
as "fetish" does for Freud and Marx. Just as the vagina disappears
for the fetishist in psychoanalytic theory, and just as the produced
thing is displaced by the fetishism of the commodity in Marx,
the original thing described by the word feitiço is real
but not available to Western discourse. Like Walter Benjamin’s
notion of the impossibility of translation, or Jacques Lacan’s
notion of the real, "fetish" refers to a culture that it can not
but mistakenly describe.
[8] Swish pan from the Portuguese explorers a few hundred years
forward—to the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of
the twentieth centuries, which see, among other things, the emergence
of a more or less modern anthropology, the high moment of colonialism
and internal colonialism, the practice of Marxism, film, and psychology/psychoanalysis
as distinct disciplines for understanding the world. Though I will
be centering my critique on the psychoanalytic appropriation of
the notion of the fetish, I might as easily critique the notion
of commodity fetishism. The best and most widely cited text on
commodity fetishism, representation, and colonialism remains Michael
T. Taussig’s The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America.
His examination of specific Latin American fetishes is meant to
critique European fetishism: "the fetishism that is found in the
economics of precapitalist societies arises from the sense of organic
unity between persons and their products, and this stands in stark
contrast to the fetishism of commodities in capitalist societies"
(37).
[9] Like Marx, for whom "fetish" meant a representation of the
commodity that hides its true value (the commodity is there and
it isn’t), Freud used the term pejoratively, describing atavistic
cultural or personal behavior. Appearing in Marx in the 1860s,
in Krafft-Ebing in 1886, in Havelock Ellis in 1897, and belatedly
in Freud in 1927, the fetish as a fin-de-siécle concept is bound
by nineteenth-century imperialist culture, the realm from which,
in the guise of anthropology, it is borrowed. (That imperialist
culture includes movements internal to Europe. Though I would
not care to offer proof in the present work, I suspect that nineteenth-century
Gothic is an ambiguously xenophobic response to the various mass
ethnic migrations of that century, beginning with the Napoleonic
Wars, continuing with the Franco-Prussian War, and ending with
"that delayed Teutonic migration," World War I. Not just Dracula
but other versions of the monstrous reflect intra-European imperialism:
Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, Frankenstein, The Island
of Dr. Moreau, She, and so on.)
[10] I shall take as representative of the fin-de-siecle pejorative
use of the fetish Freud’s elaboration of the concept, because
his is the one most frequently cited when cultural studies scholars
redeploy the term. In "Fetishism," Freud distinguishes between
the "idea" and its "affect": between the reason for the fetish
and its nature (199). The affect is complex, not always simply
a privately held material object. Freud’s first example is as
much a view of the thing as the thing in itself—a "Glanz
auf der Nase," ("shine on the nose," [198])—while his
last example is a visual and cultural, rather than individual,
obsession: the bound and maimed feet of Chinese women (204). (The
examples constitute a nice Freudian pun: he treats the subject
from head to foot.) In other words, Freud the ethnologist remains
receptive—if only implicitly or unconsciously—to the
possibility that a fetish can be other than a simple material
object—a handkerchief or a whip. It can be a materially
visible cultural construct as well.
[11] While a careful reading of Freud demonstrates the ethnological
(if racist) debt he owes in his discussions of the fetish, poststructuralist
scholars tend to ignore that debt, just as they ignore that debt
in Marx. The poststructuralist appropriation of the nineteenth-century
fetish further divorces the fetish from its anthropological etymology,
instead privileging the Marxist and psychoanalytic definitions.
While film critics as otherwise distinct as Roger Dadoun and Laura
Mulvey have taken a whack at synthesizing the Marxian and Freudian
fetishes, the best example of the contemporary tendency to find
analogize between the two while leaving out the Portuguese fetish
is probably located in Marcia Ian’s Remembering the Phallic
Mother. While she is most interested in the psychoanalytic
fetish, Ian finds commonalities between that and commodity fetishism:
"Psychoanalysis locates ‘inside us’ the fetishism Marx described
as inherent in capitalist society." The qualities Ian takes
to be the most important about both uses of the fetish are the
ones already present in the Portuguese use of the term: first,
that fetishes are physical (which is to say in both cases visible
rather than, for instance, palpable), and, second, that they constitute
mystified accounts of the real relationship between the individual
and things: either the shoe-as-commodity or the shoe-as-object-of-sexual-desire.
Both abstract and embody some aspect of the real—the commodity
abstracts the real relationship between things, while the shoe
abstracts sexuality. Both hide a real relationship to something:
the commodity to the laborer’s relation to production, and the
fetish to the woman’s genitalia. In other words, both Marxist
and Freudian paradigms deploy the most significant aspect of the
anthropological fetish: it’s there and it isn’t.
[12] I use Ian’s account of the correlation between Marxian and
Freudian fetishes to demonstrate the fact that the poststructuralist
fetish is typically engaged with only two of the three principal
sources of contemporary political praxis: with gender and class,
but not (perhaps understandably) with race. This omission reproduces
the often-remarked American feminist tendency in the 1970s and early
1980s to struggle for gender equality in various economic and psychical
disciplines, while often forgetting about the importance of race
in the political dialectic. In response, I would like to suggest
a general definition of the fetish that might encompass class, psychoanalysis,
and racial dimensions, and that combines Pietz’s observations about
the Portuguese discovery of the fetish with Marx and Freud. As I’ve
argued, the fetish was originally an attempt to orientalize the
visible material culture of the unknowable other in such a way that
the other’s culture can exist only in monstrous form. In the same
way, modern disciplines define the fetish as monstrous or pathological
deformations of the visibly material. In anthropology, Marxism,
and psychoanalysis, the fetish signifies for its believer a material
object whose secret belies its materiality. To its believer, the
fetish signifies potency; to the Western observer, impotence. At
a different level of signification, however, the fetish serves a
fetish function for the observer as well—for the psychoanalyst
as for the proto-anthropologist. Identifying the fetish as fetish
serves to repress the observer’s fear of cultural otherness.
Long Shot: A Century Ago
[13] To return to the medium of film after this perhaps overlong
preface, I’d like to introduce my thesis, which is that the monster
in American film—and special effects more generally construed—is
a conspicuous representative of the racialized fetish, a creation
of the racial and ethnic others as fetishes. Film special effects
simultaneously suggest and deny the thing they represent: the
racial/ethnic/immigrant other. Like all other fetishes, monstrosity
and special effects constitute a materialization—a visualization—that
is simultaneously orientalization and méconnaissance.
Such effects impose a mistaken idea of racial difference on film
representation, hiding the real relations between different cultures.
Like Pietz, who is not really interested in "actual conceptions
of West African culture" but rather in the "distinctiveness of
the notion [of the fetish] in European discourse," I am here interested
only in Hollywood’s image of the racial other (Pietz, "The Problem
of the Fetish, II," 24). I will postulate that, to some degree,
Hollywood imagines itself as Europe; its West Africa is African
America. My sense of the American horror film is that it resurrects
nineteenth-century anthropological/biometric pseudo-sciences in
the manner of Madison Grant, who used the physical "evidence"
offered by craniology and the "cephalic index" (22 and passim).
The product of this pseudo-science is the filmic equivalent
of the Portuguese/anthropological fetish.
[14] To begin near the beginning: the end of the "primitive"
and the beginning of the "classical" period of American silent
film. The 1910s and 1920s constituted a high moment of anti-immigration
legislation, Jim Crow laws, and Ku Klux Klan visibility; this
was also the last moment in the United States during which overt
white supremacist race theory was considered seriously both in
the scientific community and in mass culture. Further, these
decades constituted a significant moment in the history of Social
Darwinism and eugenics, both in social commentary and in legislation.
According to Alan M. Kraut, "The word eugenics . . . .had
become a popular buzzword in the United States by the 1920s, as
well as a precise course of systematic population studies promoted
by serious scientists as the means of perfecting the human race
through genetic management" (253). In Carrie Buck v. Bell
(1926-27), "the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality
of Virginia’s sterilization laws" (Hannaford, 362). Theodore Stoddard’s
famous and influential Revolt Against Civilization was
originally published in 1922. In the 1910s and 1920s Madison
Grant and fellow American racial theorist Theodore Stoddard were
spokesmen for the eugenics movement precisely because its absorption
with race, inherited illness, and deformity helped establish a
bridge between race and monstrosity. African Americans and immigrants
were both treated as problematic viscera: African Americans were
medically objectified and isolated in such horrific ways as the
Tuskegee experiments, while physically unfit immigrants were simply
isolated and turned back at Ellis Island. For early twentieth-century
eugenicists, the racial other was a systemic disorder, a disease
communicated from without. Grant’s The Passing of the Great
Race (originally written in 1916 and reprinted several times
in the 1920s), for example, sounds precisely like a description
of an extra-terrestrial plague á la Invasion of the Body Snatchers:
The native American [i.e.: Nordic type] is . . . gradually withdrawing
from the scene, abandoning to these aliens the land which he conquered
and developed. The man of the old stock is being crowded out
of many country districts by these foreigners just as he is to-day
being literally driven off the streets of New York City by the
swarms of Polish Jews. These immigrants adopt the language of
the native American, they wear his clothes, they steal his name
and they are beginning to take his women, but they seldom adopt
his religion or understand his ideals. . . . (91)
At its simplest level, this description suggests a response to
an other ethnic/racial culture that is at least as mystified as
the response of the Portuguese explorers to the West Africans.
Later in the work, Grant is mystified by the Jew’s perceived overvaluation
of money in the same way that the Portuguese are unable to account
for the African’s perceived undervaluation of gold. More than simply
identifying the Jew’s money fetish, such descriptions—and
others in which, through an absorption with miscegenation, the racial
other is both feared and desired—fetishize the alienized immigrant
and racial other himself as popular or mass icon, making him simultaneously
strong and weak, present and absent.
[15] In his account of African American representation in early
film, Clyde Taylor briefly refers to the turn-of -the-century conflation
of the entertainment and horror values of the minstrel show and
lynching as "Negro-fetishism" (27). Though he discards this term
in favor of "negrophobia" because of the anthropological associations
of "fetish," I would like to extend his use of the term to include
both the anthropological identification of an icon the West takes
as representing an empty but compelling magic—apt as an object
always identified with the racial other—as well as the psychoanalytic
complex. In part because the fetish is now traditionally deployed
as a feminist mechanism for reading texts, I would like to extend
the notion of Negro-fetishism to read both race and ethnicity more
generally construed, allowing it the anthropological valence that
feminist theory does not normally allow the fetish. Like the psychoanalytic
fetish, and insofar as s/he evokes the fear of miscegenation, the
racial other is simultaneously erotic and anxiety-producing: "the
cross between a white man and an Indian is an Indian; the cross
between a white man and a Negro is a Negro. . . . and the cross
between any of the three European races and a Jew is a Jew" (Grant,
18) But, as a locus for both sexual and racial anxiety, the racialized
fetish also reveals an important parallelism between racial and
gender oppression. For example, the various alien rapes correctly
read by Barbara Creed as a fear of the "archaic mother" are simultaneously
instances of a fear of miscegenation (43- 48). Other issues generally
considered gender-neutral or gender-equal in discussions of race
are thematically conflated in special effects: eugenics, venereal
disease, and so on.
[16] Further supporting the notion that the ethnic/racial other
is him/herself a fetish, the identification of the ethnic other,
like the fetish, has an ambiguously material basis. Though, as
the first quarter of the twentieth century ended, craniology was
less and less credited as an index of intelligence, it and other
biometric sciences of the body still formed the basis for distinguishing
between the races. The skull had been an intense object of study
through the nineteenth century, and amounted to attaching the
memento mori—a different fetish—to the study
of race. In response to the racism of the 1910s and 1920s, a
limited liberalism began to insist on the erasure of overt racism
and xenophobia in America. Film scholars understand, for example,
that Birth of a Nation (1915) reinvigorated the Ku Klux
Klan, but also the NAACP. The story goes that liberal sensibility
won a kind of limited victory: the Classical Hollywood style tended
to eschew most of the overt racism of films like Birth of a
Nation. However, filmic racism and the discourse about race
did not disappear; it was sublimated as a result of this liberalism.
Because the racial/ethnic/immigrant other had to be negotiated
as an internal-colonial phenomenon, which is to say because the
other was an intensely visible presence, American popular culture
had to provide a concomitantly more powerful and efficient mechanism
for making the visible both visible and invisible, the scopic
raison d’être of the fetish. In essence, the interest
in the racial other, disguised as eugenics, social Darwinism,
biometrics, and craniology, was really a kind of racialized fetishism
at work in the culture that spilled onto the screen in various
forms.
[17] In his now-classic article on fetishism and film, Roger
Dadoun specifically connects Freud’s fetish to the horror film,
finding the vampire to be a consummate fetish: "the originality
of the horror film is that it manages to make us aware of the
conjunction: it’s there—it isn’t there" (56). Though primarily
interested in the vampire, Dadoun also intimates that makeup that
results in the imagery of King Kong and the Wolf Man is a fetish
effect, and that the horror film serves a "fetish function" more
generally (39). His argument remains a paradigmatic psychoanalytic
account, in the sense that the source of anxiety remains with
the mother, not the commodity or the racial other. Later accounts
tend also to accept as given the notion that the fetish reinstalls
the maternal phallus, turning their attentions instead to other
attributes of the fetish. I would like to emphasize Dadoun’s
excellent account of the fetish as a particular set of filmic
techniques rather than as a pathology because this first remove
from psychoanalysis allows leeway to connect the notion of the
fetish to larger social issues. My argument is that in both the
"primitive" and "classical" eras of American film production,
filmic special effects became one way of sublimating and representing
racist discourse.
[18] As a consequence of the social, political, and ideological
neutrality of the term "special effects" I shall be using a coinage
from this point on—FXing—to designate the use of special
effects as it thematizes race/ethnicity/immigration. This pun-like
gerund coined from an industry-derived noun seems to me descriptive
of an active participation by filmmakers in the dynamic I am describing.)
While there has been some work on class and horror, feminist film
criticism provides the most powerful precedent for viewing the
special effects in politicized terms. The last decade, especially,
has seen a proliferation of essays and books on gender and science
fiction and/or horror by such writers as Linda Williams, Donna
Haraway, William Boddy, Claudia Springer, Anne Balsamo, Veronica
Hollinger, Vivian Sobchak, and so on. Of course, a perusal of
articles on science fiction film in Screen, Camera Obscura,
Cinema Journal, or even Science-Fiction Studies
fails to reveal anything like a similarly sweeping interest in
race or ethnicity.
[19] (Thomas Cripps and James Snead, two major critics of the
African American film, remark and then gloss over the phenomenon
of racial and ethnic substitution. While Snead’s more theoretical
account suggests this omission takes place throughout the history
of American film, Cripps suggests that one specific moment of
omission is the post-WWII era. In his posthumously published
White Screens, Black Images : Hollywood from the Dark Side:
Hollywood from the Dark Side, Snead postulates three rhetorical
devices "whereby blacks have been consigned to minor significance
on screen": mythification, marking, and omission [4]. Though
he treats the first two with extreme care, the last and the most
difficult to track [which he defines as "exclusion by reversal,
distortion, or some other form of censorship"] he omits almost
entirely from his exposition, except to point to racial displacement
in a single monster film: King Kong [6].)
[20] While Dadoun suggests the fetish’s connection to ethnicity,
and later writers like Laura Mulvey acknowledge the primacy in the
fetish of the gaze, Freud’s notion of the fetish seems to fit FXing
in ways that neither Dadoun nor Mulvey suggests: at work in FXing
are not only Freud’s revealing and concealing—in this case,
of a strong monster with a fatal, visceral weakness—but also
Freud’s notorious remembered interruption. Remember that the individual
in the Freudian scenario is thrust into fetishistic behavior via
the attempt to retain a sense of autonomy by maintaining the notion,
belied in a castrating visual experience, that the mother
has a penis. Fetishism is an always-failing attempt at denying
the existence of the gendered other. Hence, the famous low-angle
shots that characterize the photography of the monster suggest not
simply the monster’s power but, by implication, our own potential
powerlessness. (As elaborated by Elizabeth Grosz, even female
fetishism, revolves around the possibility of feminine identification
with a phallic woman. FXing allows us to imagine that the prime
movers in the film fetish scenario are simultaneously the mother
and the racial other. At the expense of seeming to totalize for
Western culture at large, individual autonomy since at least the
fifteenth century has been threatened by the possibility of a cultural/ethnic/racial
other. The West’s large-scale rediscovery of a racial other during
the European Renaissance, and the consequent attempt to deny that
other in the colonizing process, is an equivalent source of interruption
and consequent fetishism, perhaps all the more to be emphasized
since, as I have discussed, the term "fetish" was coined during
the voyages of discovery . While at the personal level the fetish
hides and reveals the mother’s phallus, at the cultural level it
hides and reveals an ethnic phallus that tumesces as colonialism
progresses, so that the late nineteenth-century empire builder—of
which Freud himself is an example—can conflate mother and,
say, mother Africa. It is not accidental, then, that, when not
hyper-masculinized, the racial other is usually feminized. This
conflation of the feminine and the racial other is the cultural
dynamic in which fetishism arises as the attempt to erase the trace
of all otherness.
[21] The widely cited "double attitude of fetishists" in both
acknowledging and disavowing the anxiety that the fetish simultaneously
raises and allays is present in FXing as the cultural refusal
to acknowledge origin of the fetish in ethnicity, while ethnicity
is everywhere present in the text (203). The particular difference
between the materiality of the horror film and that of the shoe
seems to me, as it does for Freud in his example of the "shine
on the nose," less important than the universal status of the
fetish as a spectacular object of a gaze. Almost anything visible
can be a fetish as long as it represses the thing it signifies.
The "fetish function" that Dadoun asserts characterizes the much-studied
films of the 1930s actually originates in the lesser-examined
horror and occult films of the 1910s and 1920s, precisely because
official American culture of the period requires a mechanism for
making racism immanent and so ideologically acceptable. Even
the most cursory examination of film reviews in the New York
Times or Variety for the 1910s and 1920s reveals an
inordinate number of films on race, and simultaneously a number
of fantasy/horror/science/occult fiction films. In fact, it is
in the immediate post-World War I era that FXing begins to enable
a wider latitude for xenophobia, thematizing, for example, "passing"
and ethnic cultural appropriation as paranoid phenomena, inventions
of a nativist movement.
[22] Makeup and other kinds of FXing establish the ambiguous
materiality of these films. While the historical development
of monstrous makeup, for example, has been in the direction of
an ever-greater degree of realism, such makeup almost always militates
against the cinema’s claim to photographic verisimilitude. Like
the fetish, monstrous makeup establishes and denies the reality
of the thing it represents. It is real and it is not real. Makeup
conceals the (usually white) actor but, in so doing, reveals a
preoccupation with the ethnic and racial. As the cultural substitute
for the fetishist’s shoe, makeup is the substitute for a substitute.
Like blackface minstrelsy, from which it in part derives, monstrous
makeup allows for a liberated behavior on the part of the actor,
which in turn allows an audience to imagine that behavior as its
own. Also, however, like the fetishist, the audience may then
repudiate the actor’s licentiousness as not actually reflecting
its own desires. The various "perversions" enacted under the
guise of makeup forget their origin in the fear of the racial.
Like other fetishes, monstrous makeup is a vehicle for displacement
whose object is the forgetting of the thing being displaced.
As the vagina disappears completely during the etiology of Freud’s
fetish, so does the racial disappear from makeup, so much so that,
again like the fetish, it can appear in a sense by itself, casting
off as the fetish does the trace of the material basis for anxiety.
Thus, like blackface, which by the 1920s is also relegated to
mainly white performers, monster makeup can (and most often does)
appear on the body of the white actor. More radically, the monster
is not even human, made up instead as the pterodactyls of The
Lost World (1925), the stop-motion animation of Ray Harryhausen,
and the animatronics of Jurassic Park (1993).
Medium Shot: Before Sound
[23] At the expense of a thorough reading of any individual film,
I would like to present a very short overview of silent horror
and science fiction films in order to establish the ubiquity of
this genre’s fetishized interest in conflating the fear of race
and femininity from almost the beginning of the American film
industry. I will briefly examine some film titles of the era,
some representative films, and the work of two actors. While
the American film version of miscegenation before the 1920s is
not quite as overtly monstrous as in other countries whose tastes
are slightly less squeamish (for example Germany’s Alraune,
in which "a beautiful but deadly female monster [who] is created
when a prostitute is artificially inseminated with the sperm of
a hanged murderer" (Kinnard, 95), these years nevertheless produce
countless films that collapse race, femininity, monstrosity, miscegenation,
disease, and the occult in a fetishized fashion, which is to say
by making them anxiety-allaying objects of simultaneously repressed
and eroticized spectacles. The titles of countless early American
silent films themselves suggest an interest in a variety of races
and ethnicities: The Leprechaun (1908), The Oriental
Mystic (1909), The Budda’s [sic] Curse (1910).
More significantly, the various "keys," "vases," "bells," "chimes,"
"black orchids," "mirrors," and other objects in the titles of
such horror films suggest a fetishistic absorption in the material
object within each film, and across the genre as a whole. Several
titles evoke the spiritualism of the era: The Princess in the
Vase (1908), in which "a cremated Egyptian princess is reincarnated
from her own ashes" (26); The Key of Life (1910), in which
"Hindu charms transform a kitten into a murderous cat-woman."
This latter film suggests one manner in which the monstrous ethnic
and the feminine are conflated: the woman is associated with the
ethnic other. Theda Bara as foreign vamp(ire) stands as a sign
for dangerous ethnic femininity. The feminine is also identified
with the ethnic other as his the object of his predations, however,
as in the often-filmed story of Trilby and Cagliostro (at least
three times in 1912, twice in 1914, and in 1910, 1913, 1915, 1920,
1922, and 1923).
[24] A number of pseudo-Darwinian films that invoke polygenesis
and miscegenation involve men becoming apes: The Monkey Man
(1909), The Hypnotic Monkey (1916), and Scream in the
Night (1919), which features "Darwa, a wild jungle girl . .
. created by a mad scientist intent on proving Darwin’s theory of
evolution" (106). The Dinosaur and the Missing Link (1917)
depicts magic rituals from antique (principally Egyptian) or otherwise
remote cultures; and countless versions of Dr. Jekyll
and Mr. Hyde. Even Edison’s response to Melies’ fantasies smacks
of miscegenation; in A Trip to Mars (1910) a professor "meets
a half human creature and tree monsters" (40).
[25]
Although this flood of atavistically racialized filmic Darwinism
ebbs in the 1920s and 1930s, a scarcely less overt racism featuring
the now-undeclared ethnic as a monstrously grotesque "missing link"
(the term itself suggests a tendency to see the fetish as something
lost, forgotten, and sinister) continues to inform some of the most
high-profile film productions of these decades. These are pure
examples of FXing: the substitution of the monster for the racial
other. Two such films, landmarks for science fiction and horror
in the silent and early sound eras, especially demonstrate this
motif: The Lost World (1925) and Island of Lost Souls
(1932), the latter of which, though a 1930s sound film, preceded
the more famous and discussed King Kong by a year, and apotheosizes
the phenomenon in the pre-censorship code era. Each of these film
adaptations of a very popular novel contrasts its isolated, foreign,
alien world with the more civilized world that serves as a normalizing
frame of reference. The contrast in The Lost World is especially
stark: the film begins and ends in London. Both films contain missing
links, as well as cultured white men and women favorably contrasted
to them. Island of Lost Souls (an adaptation of H.G.
Wells’s The Island of Dr. Moreau) is especially transparent
in its typing. The men/beasts are dull, unintelligent, strong,
and stooped: good only for servitude, which Moreau enforces with
a whip. Their makeup renders them similar to the wild men in P.T.
Barnum’s circus advertisements; their activity is limited to threatening
the white explorers. (Interestingly, The Lost World contains
a comic black servant who remains at the bottom of the prehistoric
plateau on whose top most of the action takes place, still another
non-human link between the white explorers and the missing links.)
[26]
The status of race and ethnicity in these texts is still more or
less unequivocal: the racial other is foregrounded as strange and
exotic. However, in one of the most celebrated and high-profile
productions of the 1920s, representation shifts: John Barrymore’s
Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde (1920). As Virginia Wright Wexman
first observes, Hyde does not represent the amorphous atavism of
the novel; rather, he is a literary Jew brought to film, a combination
of Uriah Heep, Fagin, and Nosferatu. (He is the monstrous half
of the dichotomy between Nordic and degenerate races that constitutes
the bulk of race theorizing in the nineteenth century. The visual
contrast between Anglo-Saxon and Jew is striking. When we first
see Barrymore as Jekyll he is in profile, like a silhouette: the
angle for which his good looks were legendarily most suited. When
he stands his bearing is regal. In various vignettes we are shown
that his beauty in fact reflects an innate kindness, nobility, gentility,
and gentleness. Barrymore’s side view—itself an object of
worship for acolytes who only semi-comically referred to him as
the "great profile"—thus implies concentration on high ideals:
philanthropy, science, friendship, and love. (The profile more generally
can imply a relationship of the character to someone within the
narration; handshakes and kisses take place in profile.)
[27]
However, in converting to Hyde, Barrymore stoops to the point of
seeming almost hunchbacked, probably a legacy of his Richard III,
which he was simultaneously playing on Broadway; Madison Grant observes
that inferior races are also inferior in height. ("[I]t is race,
always race, that sets the limit. The tall Scot and the dwarfed
Sardinian owe their respective sizes to race and not to oatmeal
or olive oil" [Grant 28-29].) Hyde’s fingers elongate and calcify
in order to seem more grasping, like the talons on Nosferatu or
the clutching of Uriah Heep. The nose elongates as well, developing
a slight hook and flare, literalizing the first example in Freud’s
fetishism essay, the "glance at the nose" (Freud 198). We discover
almost comically at one point that beneath the high-crowned hat
is a high, pointy head, reminiscent of both the circus pinhead and
the yarmulke, now not a skullcap but a skull—an emphasis on
the cranium that hearkens back to race theory and craniology. Women
of course find him simultaneously fascinating and repulsive. Like
Uriah Heep, he gains ascendancy over a good man (Jekyll) and over
his fortune; like Heep, he must be punished. Finally, he even lives
in a slum that resembles both Fagin’s domain and the oriental Limehouse
(he visits an opium den at one point). He preys on the weak and
helpless, and like Shylock delights in humiliating the vulnerable.
Like a bad Jew, he is responsible for the death of a child, and
he further tries to buy away his guilt, on the putatively Jewish
assumption that all spiritual things also have an exchange value.
But most importantly, Barrymore tends to play Mr. Hyde not in profile
but in full face for the camera, reminding one rather of Max Schreck’s
more famous blocking in Nosferatu, released two years later.
Hyde’s egotism and narcissism spill across the dream screen; his
gaze is directed less at an object on screen and more toward the
film audience. This kind of self-consciousness places him in a
dependent relationship to the audience; he is sycophantic, the "culture-bearer"
as opposed to the "culture-former," to paraphrase Hitler (Hannaford
363). In contrast to the innate nobility of Jekyll’s expression,
Hyde’s looks are calculating, modern, urban. He is an industrialist,
a peddler. I have elsewhere discussed how the direct appeal of
the gaze to the audience in comedy is also coded as ethnic; it creates
a rather brutal intimacy. When the originator of the gaze is monstrous-ethnic,
the gaze is intimate again, insisting against instinct that the
horrific is an extension of oneself, the audience’s own Mr. Hyde.
I believe that the Barrymore adaptation is the first American horror
film to insist self-consciously on the identification between the
subject of horror and the audience. It sets a precedent for the
gaze as a recurring motif in the horror film, from its reproduction
in the gaze of Dracula to the obverse: the camera becoming
our own horrific gaze in Peeping Tom (1960) and its many
imitators.
[28]
Finally, with the unacknowledged image of the Jew in Hyde carefully
embedded in the film, an intertitle toward the end of the film makes
the racial thesis almost explicit. Hyde as Jew is the disease itself:
"For some time Dr. Jekyll renounced the dark indulgences of Hyde—until
in an hour of weakness the demon, long caged, burst forth more malignant
than before." Like tuberculosis, called the "Jewish disease" in
the United States, Judaism—and ethnicity more generally—is
depicted as wasting away the substance of the otherwise healthy
Anglo-Saxon, Jekyll. (At the turn of the century the bubonic plague
was considered the Chinese disease [Kraut 78-96], while typhoid
was considered the Irish disease [Kraut 97-104]. That Hyde is a
part of Jekyll might signify that what we view as ethnic forms a
part of all races. However, since the noble Jekyll would rather
die than allow free rein to Hyde, one may more safely infer that
if anything Jekyll reads himself as spiritually miscegenated—both
the raped Anglo-Saxon and the product of that rape. There are several
indications in the film that Hyde is interested in Jekyll’s fiancée;
Mr. Hyde is representable as black as well as Jewish, even though
Barrymore does not assay this equation in this or a later version
of the film. (Other actors, however, do, as Virginia Wright Wexman
observes about the 1932 production [288 and passim]).
[29] The most important parallel between FXing and fetishizing
should be immediately clear from the example of Dr. Jekyll and
Mr. Hyde: the audience is suddenly at liberty to feel a perverse
(which is to say ideologically unacceptable) pleasure in the spectacle
of the monster, a pleasure that the race theorist has tried, overtly
or covertly, to instill in his audience. While fear and loathing
of the ethnic/racial/immigrant other cannot be directly addressed
in the Classical Hollywood Style, their affect can still be felt
in full. While the entire constellation of defects nineteenth-century
ethnologists assign to the ethnic pass across the screen in monstrous
form, indictments of slander or salaciousness by the Knights of
Columbus, the NAACP, or the Legion of Decency are almost impossible.
Denying the existence of the object most feared—the racial
other or the immigrant, with his/her threat of disease, invasion,
and death—the monster as fetish raises that fear in displaced
form and then allays it. Even the metonymic eroticism that is at
the core of the fetish is present in the fact of the monster who,
as erotic object, is part of a human but not himself quite human.
Close-up and Fadeout: Theorizing the Filmic Other
[30] Just as the feminist critique of Freud’s notion of the fetish
really critiques the assumptions of psychoanalysis more generally,
so the study of a neglected film technique has repercussions for
the way in which race and ethnicity are also exploited by the
disciplines. I have used the fetish to describe the connection
between an historicized racial other and a neglected but extraordinarily
important component of American film: FXing. This connection,
however, can explain as much about the psychoanalytic paradigm
of the fetish as the latter can explain the former. Because the
word "fetish" is of partly European derivation, it signifies the
imposition of one continent’s notion of meaning onto other cultures
in order to indicate linguistic otherness without even reference
to the object cultures’ own languages—in contrast to, say,
the Melanesian, Micronesian, and Papuan word "taboo."
[31] Of course, in the process of describing tribalism and fetishism,
white culture is itself defined. The notion of the fetish is itself
a fetish for the West. Early anthropology defined ethnic, "backward"
tribes as requiring fetishes, making a fetish of the tribe itself:
the idea of the tribe becomes simplified, reduced to nearly iconic
status, hiding and revealing at the same time its own otherness
in a manner that allays the anxiety of the white culture doing
the simplification—a white culture that, having objectified
and disavowed the source of anxiety by replacing it with an ambiguous
icon—the racial monstrous—can now identify itself
as in all other ways "normal." (Remember that for Freud one advantage
of the fetish is the fact that it is both secret in the sense
that it is never to be acknowledged openly, and public in the
sense that its materiality makes it broadly available.) In psychoanalytic
terms that tribe is the specter of the past: Freud’s ghost-maternal.
The ethnic group becomes comforting at the same time that, like
Freud’s Chinese foot, it is severed by the fetishist from the
body of which it is one extension. Like the fetishist, the Western
explorer and his inheritors—the anthropologist, the psychoanalyst,
and the economist—are like the blind man who defines the
elephant as a snake because all he has felt is the trunk. And
while anthropologists at least recognize the fetish as a complex
and multiple phenomenon, both psychoanalysis and Marxism not only
reduce the notion of the fetish, but require the concept of reduction
itself as a precondition of desire and objectification
[32] I suspect that, in choosing as his first example a patient
whose fetish (the "glance at the nose") derived from earliest
childhood and had to be articulated in his first, forgotten "mother-tongue,"
Freud was perfectly aware that fetish-devotion is related to the
recognition/disavowal of cultural and linguistic as well as gender
boundaries (198). Yet, though calling attention to the fact of
these boundaries, Freud—in an ideologically significant
move—did not cross them, in a moment that itself amounts
to a disavowal. For Freud, as for anthropologists and the rest
of us, the original signified is there and it isn’t; the notion
of the fetish is itself a fetish masking its own etiology from
the racial.
[33] FXing, then, serves the meta-fetishistic function of closing
the chain of associations that began with the defining of the
ritual other as a fetish. The notion of the aboriginal or tribal
fetish emerges at about the moment at which early modern Europe
wished to slough off similar notions in its own ideology as archaisms.
(For Protestants, for example, that archaism was an iconophilic
Catholicism.) Whatever it is now, anthropology began as a Western
notion whose raison d’être was not to explain cultural
otherness but to mystify it in ideas like the fetish, an idea
that became so necessary that it was appropriated for at least
two other disciplines before becoming a metaphor in several more.
[34] In the twentieth century, the West imposed on its orient
the idea of an object that signifies tribalism, superstition,
lack. The evolving classical Hollywood style displaced an overtly
racist discourse with the mechanism of the fetish—the unconscious
raising and allaying of the spectre of race and gender otherness.
As I have tried to demonstrate, American film practice accomplished
this displacement through a particular set of techniques—FXing.
(However, one might further demonstrate the degree to which American
film technology more generally construed configures filmmaking
itself as a racially fetishistic practice, in a manner analogous
to Mulvey’s demonstration of film as simply a gender fetish.)
By returning the chain of significations back to the ethnic, FXing
reveals the way in which the notion of the fetish was always compromised.
The fetish was always a term for a nexus of phenomena in other
cultures utterly misunderstood, always a placeholder for a referent
incomprehensible not so much because of its magical qualities
as because of the power relation between the colonizing Europeans
and the colonized New Guineans, Brazilians, and Africans. In
essence, we have been misapplying a trope in psychoanalysis for
about seventy years, and in Marxist economics for 120 years, that
has always had the linguistic effect of further demeaning the
groups whose cultures it was originally intended to describe,
reinventing those cultures as pathologies in need of curing.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. Thanks are due for this essay to the following
scholars: Katherine Eggert, without whose advice this essay would
not be as clear, and Frances Gateward, whose suggestions and gentle
proddings were invaluable.
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Contributor's Note
MARK WINOKUR writes about film theory and history. His current
project—a book-length work titled "Technologies of Race"—continues
his arguments about race and special effects in American film.
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Copyright
©2004
Ann Kibbey.
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