|
Issue 47 2008
Cartographies of a Violent Landscape
Viramontes' and Moraga's Remapping of Feminisms in
Under the Feet of Jesus and Heroes and Saints
By ARIANNE BURFORD
"I cannot continue to use my body to be walked over to
make a connection."
--Cherríe Moraga, This
Bridge Called My Back, xv
There
is "[n]o sense talking tough unless you do it."
--Estrella, Under the Feet of Jesus, 45
[1]
In her 1980 preface to This Bridge Called my Back, Cherríe Moraga explains that despite the exclusion of
women of color and the prevalent homophobia in the U.S. feminist movement, she
dreams of a bridge between women. Regarding the exclusiveness of the feminist
movement, she asserts: "I call my white sisters on this" (xiv). She
calls for changes from Anglo feminists, and writes of her "faith" and "visions"
of alliances between women, acknowledging the toll such attempts at alliances
have taken on her body. Throughout Moraga's poetry, especially her poems in Loving
in the War Years: lo que nunca pasó por sus labios (1983), plays,
autobiographical writing, and essays, her body as a Chicana and the Chicanas
she writes about carry the physicality of a history of colonialism, a
physicality that particularly connects them to an exploited land, to a
landscape of continued violence against Chicanas. Moraga's play Heroes and
Saints (1994) and Helena
María Viramontes's novel Under the Feet of Jesus (1995) map the continued violence against Chicana
farm workers, particularly the effects of pesticide poisoning on female farm
workers and the collusion of agribusiness and the United States government.
Such a mapping foregrounds their intervention in feminisms that fail to look at
what bell hooks has referred to as "interlocking systems of oppression:" their
writing asks questions about the relationship between Anglo women and the
exploitation of Chicana farm workers, about the invisibility of the material
conditions of women farm workers' lives, and the relationship of such realities
to feminisms.
[2] Although Moraga writes of a bridge between women in This Bridge
Called My Back, she specifically articulates that it will not be at the
expense of her own body to make that connection. The politics of location that
Moraga's play Heroes and Saints and
Viramontes's novel Under the Feet of Jesus enact mirror the tactics of
resistance for feminisms that Chela Sandoval terms "differential
consciousness," in Methodology of the Oppressed (2000). Such an
oppositional consciousness, as Sandoval delineates, allows for "coalition
politics that are vital to a decolonizing postmodern politics and aesthetics,
and to hailing a 'third wave,' twenty-first-century feminism" (44). She
explains that such a method is "mobile," a "kinetic motion that maneuvers,
poetically transfigures, and orchestrates while demanding alienation,
perversion, and reformation in both spectators and practitioners" (43). Many
women of color in the U.S. from at least as far back as Harriet Jacobs, María
Amparo Ruiz de Burton, Sarah Winnemucca, and Sojourner Truth in the
nineteenth-century—and some fewer Anglo women allies (such as Helen Hunt
Jackson, Lucy Stone, and Angelina and Sarah Grimké)—have been articulating
the necessity for an anti-colonialist based feminist politics, and feminists
such as Audre Lorde, Gloría Anzaldúa, Cherríe Moraga, bell hooks, Patricia Hill
Collins, Paula Gunn Allen, Devon Mihesuah and numerous others have continued to
point to the necessity of looking at intersections between race, gender, class,
and sexuality since the publication of This Bridge in 1981. Yet it still remains a crucial task to
continue efforts to decolonize feminisms in the twenty-first century,
particularly as it relates to work that more feminists are making to define
feminist struggle as a recognition of particular effects of constructions of
gendered, racialized economies in the struggle for human rights. Such
recognition—and the real work involved in the process—can continue
to then inform theory, politics, poetics, and praxis.
[3] Part of the
continuing colonial reality in the twenty-first century in mainstream American culture,
as well as in feminist theory and praxis, is the invisibility of the working
conditions and daily struggles of farm workers. The importance of buying and
consuming organic fruits and vegetables, for health conscious consumers, has
made organic produce more visible at U.S. grocery stores, yet the damage that
pesticide exposure causes to the health and lives of farm workers is all too
invisible. However, the harmful effects of pesticide exposure are well known
(at least scientifically). For example, in an article in the Western
Journal of Nursing Research, published in 2004, Mary Salazar reports that farm workers come in
contact with toxic poisons daily. Although the number of reported cases
diagnosed by physicians is 10,000-20,000 each year, the Environmental
Protection Agency calculated in 1997 that every year approximately 300,000 farm
workers suffer from illnesses as a result of pesticide poisoning, many of whom
are children who are especially vulnerable (Salazar et. al 147). The number of
diagnosed cases of pesticide exposure is clearly much lower than the reality of
illnesses people experience. For one, many people do not have access to and
cannot afford health care. Additionally, a number of sources attest to the
harmful effects on children (Western Journal of Nursing Research 147,
Salazar, Hosansky). A 2004 article in Cancer Weekly notes that although guidelines were set up by the
Environmental Protection Agency in 1994 to attempt to protect farm workers and
their families, the poisons still cause "an important health risk that won't be
reduced" without further changes (par. 1). In his article "Regulating
Pesticides," David Hosansky provides an explanation for the fact that "the
government is still struggling to determine safe pesticide levels" (667). He
points out that while farmers, who depend on using one billion pounds of
pesticides every year, are anxious that regulating pesticide use will have dire
consequences for their businesses, others assert that the government is moving
too slowly (668). The failure to establish safe guidelines for workers is
largely due to a political economy within which the profits of agribusiness
outweigh the health and lives of workers.
[4] Both Moraga's Heroes
and Saints (1994) and Viramontes's Under
the Feet of Jesus (1995),
published within a year of the United States government's attempt to establish
"safe" guidelines for pesticide use, call for changes that would place the
health and lives of farm workers over economic profit. In these two literary
works, Viramontes and Moraga protest the use of pesticides and the racist
ideologies that foster the notion that farm workers' lives are expendable; as
well, they demonstrate how such racist ideologies—rooted within a history
of colonialism—provide fuel for a capitalist system of exploitation.
While dominant discourses of history have attempted to render invisible the
exploitation of Chicanas and Chicanos in the United States, both Viramontes's
and Moraga's writings map the experiences of farm workers in California in the late
twentieth century. In a note to her play, Moraga explains that, although
McLaughlin is a fictional town, Heroes and Saints responds to the events
surrounding the 1988 farm workers' boycott in McFarland during which Dolores
Huerta, Chicana activist for farm worker rights, was brutally beaten by police.
Huerta had been holding a press conference to make it known to the public that
the then-president George Bush refused to acknowledge the outbreak of cancer
amongst farm workers. Although both Moraga's and Viramontes's protests were
written a decade ago, they are still as relevant today, since a
disproportionate number of farm workers and their children have developed
cancer. In Under the Feet of Jesus, Viramontes tells the coming of age
story of a Chicana girl, Estrella, as she comes into awareness of the
injustices of the exploitation of her family and the history of racism enacted
on the people who have inhabited the land for centuries. Estrella and her
mother, Petra, work in the fields, earning substandard wages, alongside a boy
Estrella's age, Alejo, who is dying from pesticide exposure and has neither the
means to travel to a health clinic nor the money to pay for necessary health
care. Moraga's and Viramontes's writings attest to the necessity for a
continued counter-hegemonic strategic resistance to violence enacted upon the
land and environment as well as upon the bodies of its Chicana and Chicano
inhabitants, a history of violence that has dehumanized them as other, as
foreign, as alien.
[5] More
specifically, Moraga and Viramontes point to the gendered experiences of
Chicana farm workers, experiences that include rape, pregnancy, and the struggles
of mothers to care for their children. In this way, Moraga and Viramontes
enact what Chicana theorist Sonia Saldívar-Hull calls "feminism on the border":
"Chicana feminist theories present material geopolitical issues that redirect
feminist discourse, again pointing to a theory of feminism that addresses the
multiplicity of experiences, what I call 'feminism on the border'" (48-9).
Saldívar-Hull critiques the absence of acknowledgement of issues confronting
Chicanas in mainstream Anglo feminisms, and as she situates her theory on the
physical spaces of the border she calls attention to the necessity for
transnational feminist alliances particularly between what she terms "U.S.
Third World women" and "Third World women" globally. Both Heroes and Saints
and Under the Feet of Jesus point to
the possibility of alliances between women on a transnational scale,
particularly regarding the exploitation of women workers. Viramontes and
Moraga insist on what theorist Emma Pérez calls, in her book The Decolonial
Imaginary, "sexing the
colonial imaginary," that is, looking at how the colonialist imagination
affects colonized women. For Pérez, the "decolonial imaginary" is a "third
space" between the colonial and the decolonial, a third space from which change
is envisioned and where Chicanas speak from the "interstices." Pérez employs
Foucault's genealogy that "asks that disciplines, their categories, their girds
and cells be exploded, opened up, confronted, inverted, and subverted;
genealogy recognizes how history
has been written upon the body" (xvi). Moraga's Heroes and Saints
as well as Viramontes's Under the Feet
of Jesus intervene from what
Pérez calls an "interstitial space where differential politics and social
dilemmas are negotiated" to not only write Chicanas into history but also
negotiate changes in feminist praxis and theory (6).
Perhaps
because they do not directly refer to feminisms, Viramontes's Under the Feet
of Jesus and Moraga's Heroes
and Saints have not been examined in relationship to their intervention in
feminisms or their critique of European and Anglo American feminisms. In fact,
very little critical work has been done on both of these works. Anne Shea's
article, "'Don't Let Them Make You Feel You Did a Crime': Immigration, Law,
Labor Rights, and Farmworker Testimony," provides helpful contexts for reading
the political protest of Under the Feet of Jesus and looks at the criminalization of farm worker subjectivity
and Dan Latimer's article provides a
useful reading of the tar pits, but does not locate it within a gendered
context.
[6] In Viramontes's novel, Anglo women hold powerful
positions in the institutions of health care and education, and their racism
toward Chicanas demonstrates how power and privilege can not only prevent
alliances between women, but also cause many Anglo women to enact colonial
power. The Anglo women in Viramontes's novel are in positions of institutional
power, and they are using the "master's tools" that Audre Lorde critiques in
her 1979 essay "The Master's Tools will Never Dismantle the Master's House." Lorde
questions the complicity of Anglo women who align themselves with Anglo men,
with colonial power, in order to succeed. As Lorde explains, this will "never
dismantle the master's house"—it will just allow Anglo women a more
powerful role within that establishment. Lorde further asks "what do you do
with the fact that the women who clean your houses and tend your children while
you attend conferences on feminist theory are, for the most part, poor and
third world women?" (100). Viramontes and Moraga ask, what about the working-class
Chicanas who harvest the fruit that other women and their families eat?
[7] Moraga's 1981 publication of This Bridge Called my Back, with Gloria Anzaldúa, validated the experiences of
women of color in the United States, and the collection of writings made a
crucial intervention in and critique of the mainstream Anglo feminist movement.
In an 1986 interview, Luz María Umpierre asks Moraga, "what kind of feminism do
you purport?" Moraga responds,
That is also hard to answer because I think I have been very discouraged
by the Feminist Movement, so, you get me on one of my bad days and I'll say
'those feminists.' I remember what Feminism meant to me when it occurred to me
that there was an analysis on sexual oppression. I would never say I was not a
Feminist. I thought feminism made visible a lot of very invisible kinds of
oppressions that happened indoors. (64)
Emerging from Moraga's
discouragement with feminisms though is her hope for more inclusive feminisms
and alliances between women, themes that are woven into her writing,
particularly Waiting in the Wings: A Portrait of a Queer Motherhood
(1997) and "La Güera." In the social protests of Heroes and Saints
and Under the Feet of Jesus,
Anglo women are either absent, or
antagonistic and racist toward Chicanas, suggesting that Anglo women are all
too often either apathetic or unaware of the material conditions of Chicana
farm workers or, in some cases, hold powerful institutional positions as a
result of using the master's tools—and from this position reproduce
racism against women of color. One of the sites of power for the Anglo nurse
in Under the Feet of Jesus is
her family, and her ties to economic, white, heterosexual privilege. Both
Viramontes' and Moraga's writings demonstrate the inter-relationship between
white, heterosexual, and economic class privilege that are intertwined in ways
that can explain resistance on the part of some Anglo women to substantial
social change. Yet there is a hopefulness in both texts that suggest possibilities
for new directions in feminisms.
Brief
Overview of the Chicano Movement and
the Role of Chicanas:
[8] In 1965, the year that most people mark as the
beginning of the Chicano Movement, the National Farmworker's Association (later
known as the United Farm Workers) formed under the leadership of Dolores Huerta
and César Chávez and the Crusade for Justice began, led by Rudolfo Corky
Gonzalez. Additionally, Reies López Tijerina led La Alianza, which focused on
land grants and redistribution of land, and, in that same year, a variety of
student groups including MAYO and MECha formed to combat racism in education,
including curriculum. As Adelaida del Castillo has discussed, at the 1969 Chicano
Youth Conference in Denver, Colorado, several Chicanas voiced perspectives
about traditional gender roles as limiting, but these topics were dismissed.
As Sonia López and the documentary ¡Chicano! have documented, Chicanas
were expected to cook and clean during the movement and not take leadership
positions (though it is important to emphasize that some women like Dolores
Huerta still did). Many Chicana writers such as Ana Castillo, Cherríe Moraga,
Gloria Anzaldúa, Bernice Zamora, la Chrisx (especially in her poem "La Loca de
la Raza Cosmica"), and numerous other Chicana writers have critiqued the
subordinated yet nonetheless important role of Chicanas in the Chicano
movement, and the failure of the movement to address sexism and homophobia within
and outside of Chicano culture.
[9] In Moraga's Heroes and Saints and Viramontes's Under the Feet of Jesus, Chicanas play an active part in the protests that
take place. Each author negotiates central tenants of the Chicano movement
such as land claims, exploitation, and the education system while also
emphasizing the specific ways that these colonialist violences affect
Chicanas—in this process they situate Chicanas as active agents who have,
despite criticism and challenges, played central roles in social protest and
leadership.
Brief
Overview of Limitations of the Women's Movement and New Directions for
Feminisms:
[10] Many Chicana writers (Anzaldúa, Moraga, Viramontes, Lorna De
Cervantes, Sandra Cisneros, Bernice Zamora, and many more) contextualize sexism
within Chicano culture by also looking at racist sexism from Anglo culture,
combating a prevalent tendency in American culture to critique machismo in
Mexican and Chicano culture while leaving Anglo men unaccountable for their
misogyny and sexism. In the anthology Chicana Lesbians, Emma Pérez writes, "Many Anglos, particularly white
feminists, insist that the men of our culture created machismo and they
conveniently forget that the men of their race make the rules" (163). When
teaching feminist theory classes, I emphasize the necessity of critiquing
misogyny and sexism in relationship to colonialist violence and power so that
Latino men are not demonized as exemplifying a "savage" kind of misogyny. Under
the Feet of Jesus and Heroes
and Saints dismantle such
accusations by pointing to the various forms of power that Chicana and Chicano
farm workers are confronted with, particularly as exploited working-class
people, and by portraying men who do not embrace stereotypical "machismo" character traits.
[11] One of the critiques that Chicana feminists and other Third World
U.S. feminists have made of first and second wave feminisms includes using the
term "woman" to generalize about all women's experiences in a way that really
only includes bourgeois, Anglo, heterosexual women. As Audre Lorde asserts,
women do not "suffer the same oppression simply because we are women" (95). In
Betty Friedan's 1963 The Feminine Mystique she assumes that all women have the privilege not to
work, that all women are college educated, and that all women are white and
heterosexual (as bell hooks points out in "Black Women: Shaping Feminist
Theory"). In what is often referred to as a groundbreaking work in feminism, The
Second Sex (1953), Simone de Beauvoir postulates that "woman" is a
category of "Other," an object to man's subjectivity. Her work provides a
strong analysis of gender, power, and identity, yet she does not consider the
way that women of color are othered doubly, or that men of color do not have the
same access to male power that Anglo men do. Feminists can (and have) learn(ed)
from such oversights, and we can continue to benefit from critiquing and
learning from the past as we envision feminisms for the future.
[12] In an attempt to deal with racism in the feminist movement, the
focus for the 1981 National Women's Studies Association conference was "Women
Respond to Racism." Chela Sandoval writes that it was the "first [conference] sponsored
by the women's movement to confront the idea of 'racism' and over three hundred
feminists of color attended from all over the country," but discussions of
racism were "controlled and constrained" (59). To address this problem, some
women demanded a separate meeting and, according to Sandoval, the coalition that
emerged between some Anglo women and women of color was successful. They
proposed changes to the organization's structure in order to "directly address
the issue of racism in the women's movement," however, their proposal was not
accepted by the Anglo delegates of the organization (60). Though nearly thirty
years have passed since this meeting, there is still a need to further address
racism within feminisms.
[13] In Moraga and Anzaldúa's 1981 anthology This Bridge Called my
Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, their prefaces express a hope
for connections between women, and though there is particular emphasis on
alliances between women of color, Moraga states that she hopes it will be a
"consciousness-raiser for white women" (xxvi). Some of the goals of This
Bridge include: addressing the "in/visibility of women of color" in the feminist
movement; noticing the ways "Third world women derive a feminist political
theory specifically from our racial/cultural background and experience;"
articulating the "destructive effects of racism in the women's movement;" and
the theme of writing and revolution for a feminist future (xxiv). Noting that
within the women's movement "connections between women of different backgrounds
and sexual orientations have been fragile, at best" (30), Moraga hopes that by
confronting problems collective resistance against oppression is possible:
It is essential that radical feminists confront their fear of and
resistance to each other, because without this, there will be no bread on the table. Simply, we will not
survive . . . we women need each other . . . the real power, as you and I well
know, is collective. I can't afford to be afraid of you, nor you of me. If it
takes head-on collisions, let's do it: this polite timidity is killing us.
(34)
Both Viramontes and Moraga portray
the realities of the lived experiences of Chicana farm workers to confront the
lack of awareness or concern amongst (too many) Anglo feminists, and the
continued violence against Chicanos and Chicanas as rooted in a long history of
racism. Their portrayals of the harsh working conditions for farm workers in
the United States recognize limitations in feminist movements in the United
States, and also allow for the possibility of making further connections to
exploitation in the context of globalization and transnational feminist
alliances.
Re-mapping Feminisms: the
Exploitation of Chicanas in Under the Feet of Jesus and Heroes and Saints
[14] Both Moraga
and Viramontes situate their critique of current exploitation within the
context of United States history and constructions of race that have been used by
Anglos to attempt to justify exploitation. In the early twentieth century, Dr.
George Clements, from the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce's Agricultural
Department, stated that "'due to their crouching and bending habits,' the
'oriental and Mexican' were suited to tasks in the fields, while whites were
'physically unable to adapt' themselves to such work" (Takaki, 321). Such
ideologies attempt to naturalize white supremacy while defining Chicana and
Chicano bodies as naturally suited to harsh conditions of field work.
Similarly, in Extinct Lands, Temporal Geographies: Chicana Literature and
the Urgency of Space (2002) Chicana
theorist Mary Pat Brady refers to early Anglo travelers in what used to be
Mexico, who mapped Mexicano and Mexicana bodies as cheap labor: they took
stock of ways to exploit the land and the people inhabiting the land by
defining Mexicana and Mexicano subjectivity as suited to labor (21). Brady
also historicizes the production of spaces such as borders, monuments, and
other sites that represent and manage colonial power, pointing out that the
production of spaces includes the regulation of what space means: the "labor" of
that space serves to construct dehumanizing identities at the same time that it
"naturalizes violent racial, gender, and class ideologies" (6). Brady's theory
of the "labor" of the border is exemplified in the way that Moraga and
Viramontes denaturalize such violent, racialized ideologies about Chicana and
Chicano subjectivity to render visible the exploitative labor of Chicanas.
Given the history of exclusion of working-class women and women of color in
feminist movements, such renderings ask how these women's daily lives can be
better addressed in feminist movements and organizations.

Figure 1 click for larger version | [15] Viramontes confronts
the erasure of the realities of exploitation in mainstream American culture by
questioning the way that grapes are packaged for consumption, specifically the
romanticized image of a female farm worker on the front of a raisin package. The
farm worker on the package, named a "Sun Maid" by the raisin company, also
serves as the name of the raisin company. The smiling, packaged Sun Maid
exemplifies how knowledge about the working conditions of laborers is
constructed and produced. Viramontes clearly responds to the famous political
painting by Chicana artist Ester Hernandez, in which the Sun Maid, a skeleton,
smiles from beneath her sun bonnet on the package of a raisin box. Like
Hernandez, Viramontes dismantles this pre-packaged epistemology of farm work.
She describes what agricultural work is like for Estrella, the thirteen-year-old
heroine of the novel who works in the fields with her mother:
Carrying the full
basket to the paper was not like the picture on the red raisin boxes Estrella
saw in the markets, not like the woman wearing a fluffy bonnet, holding out the
grapes with her smiling, ruby lips, the sun a flat orange behind her. The sun
was white and it made Estrella's eyes sting like an onion, and the baskets of
grapes resisted her muscles, pulling their magnetic weight back to the earth.
The woman with the red bonnet did not know this. Her knees did not sink into
the hot white soil . . . (49-50)
Reappropriating the image of the
Sun Maid with the bonnet, Viramontes confronts the oppressiveness of the heat
of the sun and other bodily effects on farm workers. Just as the woman with
the red bonnet did not know the difficulties of agricultural work, so too are
most consumers unaware of the conditions within which commodities are produced.
Such ideological oversights and lack of knowledge in American culture effects
many feminist discourses, praxis, and theories, and it is in this way that Under
the Feet of Jesus intervenes.
[16] Moreover, many Americans, including feminists, are unaware that so
much farm labor is done by children. Viramontes herself grew up in East Los
Angeles and spent most of her summers picking grapes with her family in central
California (as did Moraga's mother). In 2000, the writer of The Peace
Review notes information from the National Agricultural Worker Survey:
approximately 409,000 children comprise about 25% of the agricultural labor in
the United States (466). Viramontes makes visible the labor performed by child
farm workers. As Anne Shea points out, federal laws protecting workers,
including the laws against child labor, do not apply to agricultural workers
(127). Additionally, as Shea indicates, employers are not required to pay
minimum wage, overtime, or allow breaks (127). Further, she explains that
"[a]s a result, it is not unusual for farm workers to labor ten to twelve hours
a day seven days a week, without adequate breaks, food, water, or sanitation facilities
(127). Throughout Under the Feet of Jesus, Viramontes testifies not
only to inhumane working conditions, but also to the difficulties that many
families experience because the wages they earn are not sufficient even to
purchase enough to eat. The image Viramontes paints of the Sun Maid portrays
her not as basking in the sun, but rather as a child weary under the burden of
her labor and from malnourishment.
[17] Throughout Under
the Feet of Jesus, Viramontes often refers to Petra as "the mother,"
emphasizing her role and responsibilities as a mother and the ways she is
doubly burdened—by her work in the fields and her work as a
mother—and thus, like bell hooks in Feminism is For Everybody, effectively confronts discourses about motherhood
that focus on work for women as an empowering opportunity that began with and
resulted from the feminist movement. Viramontes writes of the burden on the
mother bodily: "The mother struggled upward, straightening one knee then the
other, and Estrella noticed how purple and thick her veins were getting. Like
vines choking the movement out of her legs" (61). Such an image conveys, with
haunting violence, how the labor has consumed her body, and the grapes are like
a parasite devouring her body from within. Varicose veins often occur when
pregnant women spend too much time standing up, thus the image conveys the
double labor of farm workers who are mothers. Further, Viramontes carefully
emphasizes that women still labor while they are pregnant: "Even then, the
mother seemed old to Estrella. Yet, she hauled pounds and pounds of cotton by
the pull of her back . . . The sack slowly grew larger and heavier like the
swelling child within her" (51). In telling this story of one woman,
Viramontes evokes a history of Chicanas who have labored doubly, in the field
and by giving birth. For instance, Rosaura Valdéz, a female farm worker in the
1930s, testifies to a triple burden:
I am an
agricultural working woman. I came to this camp with my husband and baby. I
have to get up before the men get up. I feed my baby and then I am supposed to
help in the kitchen. . . . Although there is a paid cook, I am supposed to
help. I have to go out with the men at the same time, taking my baby with me.
. . . Really I am suffering doubly. There must be several thousand women like
me in the fields. (Between Borders, 47)
She thus labors doing unpaid
"women's work" in the kitchen of her employer, the unpaid work of caring for
her baby, and the extremely low paid work in the fields. In "Chicanas and
Mexicanas Within a Transnational Working Class," Elizabeth Martínez and Ed
McCaughan contextualize Valdéz' testimonio, and stress that "from the early
days of North American colonization, Mexicana women have been superexploited,
performing the unrecognized and unwaged labor of producing and reproducing
labor power in the home while filling the lowest-paid, most exploitative jobs
outside the home" (47). Further, Martínez and McCaughan explain that the
example of Valdéz in the 1930s is "all too true today" (47). Avoiding
references to Estrella's mother's name throughout most of the novel, and
instead referring to Petra as "the mother," Viramontes critiques a long history
of a political economy within which mothers' labor is doubly exploited: their
bodies labor in the fields but the labor of childbearing also produces
children, the products and laborers of a future capitalist system. Viramontes
draws attention to the economies of this gendered landscape, mapping various
effects of a history of exploitation on women. Thus, Under the Feet of
Jesus overturns myths about women working outside of the home beginning in
the 1960s or 1970s, as many working-class Chicanas have been working outside of
the home long before that.
[18] Viramontes
and Moraga both stress the reality that female farm workers often have children
who are poisoned by pesticides. In Under
the Feet of Jesus, after
Petra, Estrella's mother, finds out that she is pregnant again, she wonders,
"Would the child be born without a mouth, would the poisons of the fields
harden in its tiny little veins?" (125). Petra's anxiety is not one of
paranoia. In 2004, an article in Cancer Weekly explains that "adults
exposed to pesticides can experience neurological deficits, increased risk of
cancer, and reproductive problems. Effects for children can include birth
defects and developmental delay" (56). In her play Heroes and Saints,
published in 1994, just a year before Under the Feet of Jesus, Moraga also
emphasizes the struggles of mothers whose children either die from or are born
physically debilitated from pesticide poisoning. Moraga critiques the fact
that the rancheros (growers) try to keep these deaths invisible, hidden from
view of the public. To protest this, the farm workers in her play begin
putting babies who have died from pesticide exposure on crosses in the fields.
Their actions expose that which many would like to remain hidden, particularly
because these actions draw the attention of the media. Hosansky further explains
the economic justifications for the use of pesticides: "Without these
products, growers say they would lose billions of dollars in crops. Food would
cost much more, and produce would be full of blemishes" (667). Moraga
explicitly critiques the political economy within which so many children are
dying and demands that her readers and audience answer the question: at what
cost are these pesticides being used?
[19] The heroine
of Heroes and Saints, Cerezita, was born without arms and legs due to
pesticide poisoning. She maneuvers around on a platform by pushing a button
with her chin. If the written play causes readers to visualize Cerezita,
conveying her physical immobility, so much more must the play when performed.
Her name, Cerezita, means little cherry in Spanish: she literally embodies the
physical disabilities of pesticide poisoning and her name causes her to become
the fruit that has no arms, no legs, and even no torso. After her sister's
baby dies, despite the fact that the growers have threatened to shoot anyone
who enters the field at night, Cerezita decides to put the baby's body on
display in the field. As Cerezita puts it, "Nobody's dying should be
invisible, Juan. Nobody's" (2.6.49). The same year that Moraga's play was
published, 1994, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency set up the Worker
Protection Standard but as of 2004, ten years later, pesticides were still
causing disproportionate incidences of cancer amongst agricultural workers (Cancer
Weekly, Hosansky). Moraga unmasks the
goals of profit and production that motivate crimes committed against farm
workers each day in the fields. In the process, Moraga's cartography of a
troubled land maps the effects of pesticide poisoning on Chicana
bodies—both in the case of Cerezita who is physically disabled, and in
the physical and emotional suffering of her sister Yolanda, whose breasts ache
with the milk of her dead baby.
[20] Based on
real incidents surrounding protests led by Chicanas in the 1980s in the San
Joaquin Valley in California, Heroes and Saints emphasizes the importance of the efforts of so many
Chicanas who protested in the past as well as the work of Chicana activists in
the present. Moraga explains in the introduction that Amparo, a Chicana
activist in the play, "is my tribute" to "Dolores Huerta, a woman whose courage
and relentless commitment to Chicano/a freedom has served as a source of
inspiration to two generations of Chicanas" (89). Amparo leads a protest to
voice the demands of mothers in the community, which include: 1) that a
contaminated well be shut down; 2) that the government pay families to relocate
to a safe environment, since their houses are contaminated; and 3) that the
government establish a free health clinic for families and to "monitor the
growing incidence of cancer in the region" (2.3.6-14). The demands made by
Chicana protesters in Heroes and Saints provide concrete solutions for
institutional changes that still need to take place.
[21] By making
Chicanas central to the protest in the play, Moraga emphasizes the importance
of their continued activism, but she also evokes a history of protests by Chicanas.
Many have noted the importance of Mexican American women in protests well
before the Chicano movement in the 1960s. For example, as Takaki points out,
in 1933, 12,000 laborers went on strike in the San Joaquin Valley of
California, a strike in which Mexican American women were particularly active
(325). During a protest in Heroes and Saints, a policeman assaults
Amparo with "slow, methodical blows" and injures her spleen (133). As Moraga
informs her readers in the foreword note, Dolores Huerta was brutally beaten in
1988 during a "press conference protesting George Bush's refusal to honor the
boycott" against pesticide poisoning (89). Moraga thus critiques a specific
incident in history in which a Chicana was violently punished for voicing
protest. Further, Moraga scathingly questions the systemic lack of recognition
by the government for the concerns, health, and lives of farm workers. As Heroes
and Saints makes clear, the refusal
to acknowledge people's labor conditions and concerns reflects the ideological
standpoint that their lives are dispensable. Moraga's portrayal of Amparo's
opposition decries the attempt to silence her protest of a capitalist, racist
system of exploitation and voices urgency for social change. Moraga maps the
specific ways that women are affected by a violent geography, writing Chicanas
onto a cartography of continued resistance to the brutal landscape of
injustices held in place via a collusion—even if not openly
acknowledged—between government, police, and agribusiness.
[22] For both
Moraga and Viramontes, the land does not figure as a romanticized space; in
fact, their writings can be seen as anti-pastorals in which violence is enacted
against both land and women. In one example, Viramontes depicts the threat of
rape that Estrella must contend with. While Estrella is picking grapes she
did not recognize
her own shadow. It was hunched and spindly and grew longer on the grapes.
Then she noticed another overshadowing her own, loitering larger and about to
engulf her and she immediately straightened her knees and rubbed her eyes. She
went over to the vine clutching her knife. (56)
At this point Estrella thinks she
sees another worker across the rows and calls out. A man then stands up
fully—"uncertain as to why she called"—so Estrella quickly thinks
to offer him a peach that she happens to have in her pocket (56). Viramontes
subtly conveys the importance of his presence at that particular moment: "He
thanked Estrella, but it was she who was thankful" (57). Viramontes
articulates Estrella's fear, thinking she is by herself out in the fields when
a shadow suddenly looms over her. Just a few pages after the threat of rape in
the fields, when Estrella is on her way home, the lights of a baseball game
shine in her eyes and blind her; she attempts to
shield them with
an arm. The border patrol, she thought, and she tried to remember which side
she was on and which side of the wire mesh she was safe in. . . . The perfect
target. The lushest peach. The element of surprise. A stunned deer waiting
for the bullet. A few of the spectators applauded. Estrella fisted her knife
and ran, her shadow fading into the approaching night. (59-60)
Viramontes expresses through
metaphor the way that Estrella is doubly hunted and dehumanized: as a woman
and as someone assumed to be "alien," perceived as an animal for the predators
that hunt her. Estrella's fears of being harassed or deported also points to
her racialized status—even though a citizen of the United States, her
subjectivity is marked as other, foreign, alien. After running home from the
baseball field, she breathlessly says to her mother, "'Someone's trying to get
me.' 'It's La Migra. Everybody's feeling it,' the mother explained" (61). Petra
continues:
If they stop you,
if they try to pull you into the green vans, you tell them the birth
certificates are under the feet of Jesus, just tell them . . . Tell them que
tienes una madre aquí. You are not an orphan, and she pointed a red finger to
the earth, Aquí. (63)
Viramontes points to the violence
of exploiting people upon the very land that they have been forced to move from
as a result of colonialism, and in the words of the mother, re-maps the land by
claiming a right for her and her family to that land. Further, by paralleling
the two threats—rape and deportation—Viramontes leaves readers questioning
to what extent the legal system does justice to Chicanas who are survivors of
rape. Under the Feet of Jesus asks
how exploitation thrives off of accepted notions of who qualifies as an
"American," of racist conceptions of both documented and undocumented Latinos
and Latinas in the United States, and constructed definitions of subjectivity
such as "illegal alien." Viramontes asks how such accepted ideologies
contribute to exploitation of both U.S. citizens and non-citizens. For
feminist theory and praxis, such questions point to the necessity of transnational
feminist alliances to resist the construction of Chicanas who have migrated to
the U.S. as "illegal," when in reality their exploitation should be illegal.
Viramontes also raises questions for feminisms about how rape can be theorized
and how anti-rape activism can take place without considering how class, race,
difference, citizenship, and power affect the concrete reality of rape and the
justice system in the United States.
[23] Paralleling
the threats of deportation and rape with
the violence of pesticide poisoning, Viramontes contextualizes a landscape of
violence and exploitation of farm workers in relation to the history of people
who had been living on that land for centuries. It is no coincidence that the
child in Under the Feet of Jesus—poisoned by pesticide and left to
die in the end of the novel—is named Alejo Hidalgo. This name recalls
the historical context of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, when the
U.S. government had promised Mexicanos citizenship and rights to their land,
but in reality denied people their land claims. As Takaki points out, many
Mexicanos found themselves working as laborers for white ranchers on that very
land. In Under the Feet of Jesus, when a plane flies over and sprays Alejo, only fifteen years old, with
pesticides, Viramontes describes how "air clogged his lungs and he thought he
was just holding his breath, until he tried exhaling but couldn't" (77). Then
he
closed his eyes
and imagined sinking into the tar pits. . . . Black bubbles erasing him.
Finally the eyes. Blankness. Thousands of bones, the bleached white marrow of
bones. Splintered bone pieced together by wire to make a whole, surfaced bone.
No fingerprint or history, bone. No lava stone. No story or family, bone
(78).
Viramontes uses the image of the tar
pits throughout the novel as a metaphor for the history of violence enacted on
Mexican Americans in the United States and for the erasure of that very
history. The repetition of the word "bone" emphasizes the death, destruction, and
violence enacted on people's bodies. Tar pits are created from thousands of
years of death, and the erasure of the history of the animals and people who died
in the tar pits parallels the history of those who die from pesticide exposure:
their histories are too often unacknowledged by dominant discourses. Algimiro
Morales, a farm worker, explains, "Our words mean nothing to the Americans.
They don't listen to us and we have no way of showing them that they're wrong,
that the problems in this country come from inside their own society" (qtd. in
Shea 133). Viramontes's novel voices such invisibility. In Under the Feet
of Jesus, the land figures metaphorically and literally as a site upon
which there has been and continues to be an erasure of violence. In the
context of the history of feminisms in the United States, the voices and
concerns of women of color have too often been invisible: present realities as
well as the past are often erased in the depths of metaphorical tar pits.
Divisions Between Women:
Political Economies of Violence
[24] Given the
portrayal of Anglo women in Under the Feet of Jesus, a reading of the tar pits as feminist history in the
United States elucidates the intervention that Viramontes's novel makes to
colonial history and feminist movements. Poisoned by pesticides, Alejo Hidalgo
becomes seriously ill, and Estrella, her mother, her siblings, and Perfecto
Flores compile all their money to take him to a medical clinic. The blond
Anglo American nurse there charges ten dollars instead of the regular fifteen,
because "times are hard" (144), for an examination that tells them what "they
already knew" (147): that they must take him to the hospital. But after
paying her all their money, they will not have enough for gas to get to the
hospital, let alone to compensate for further medical care. At this point,
Estrella
remembered the tar
pits. Energy money, the fossilized bones of energy matter. How bones made oil
and oil made gasoline. The oil was made from their bones, and it was their
bones that kept the nurse's car from not halting on some highway . . . that
kept them moving on the long dotted line on the map. Their bones. Why
couldn't the nurse see that? (148)
Dan Latimer labels Estrella's act
of resistance "an act of violence, not her first; she steals the $9.07 from the
clinic nurse" (336). However, Estrella did not "steal" the money from the
clinic—she merely demanded their money back for a service that was
useless. Further, Estrella's use of the crowbar really raises questions about
the reality of violence inflicted on farm workers everyday as a result of
pesticide poisoning and how violence is perceived. It is their labor, their
bodies, their energy that is used and exploited; just as oil forms from bones
over time, so too is money and wealth made at the expense of farm workers'
bodies. And yet in an exploitative economy they do not have enough "energy
matter" to get Alejo the health care he needs. As Viramontes visually places
them "moving on the long dotted line of the map" (148), her cartography locates
them within a history of capitalist exploitation and profit that has been and
still is at the expense of the bodies who produce the "energy matter" (148).
It is their labor, then, that fuels the nurse's car, that empowers her to be
mobile, and to commute to her job. She benefits at their expense.
[25] Viramontes
questions why for the Anglo nurse the political economy is invisible. As Shea
explains, "For the nurse, Alejo's pesticide poisoning does not appear to be an
act of violence" (139). Viramontes thus vehemently protests not only the
poisoning of Chicana and Chicano bodies, but also the apathy that many Anglo
Americans have about it. The violent paradox is that the food, the "energy
matter" harvested by farm workers is considered more important than people.
The nurse symbolizes Anglo women who are not aware of the effects of
exploitation on Chicanas, and who have benefited from feminism. When Estrella
asks "Why couldn't the nurse see that?" (148), the text points to the history
of exclusion of the struggles of Chicanas from feminist movements. In the
medical clinic, Estrella and the others need to get their money back so they
can pay for the "energy matter," the gas needed to drive Alejo to the hospital.
They attempt to explain their situation to the nurse. The nurse holds a
position of power, representing authority in the medical field—though she
has benefited from feminism, as a nurse she inhabits a very gendered space,
lower on the hierarchy to doctor. She does not even listen to Estrella: "she
didn't even look up as she filed the folder away" (148). Because of the
ineffectual results of voicing their needs, Estrella takes a crow bar and slams
it on the nurse's desk, a tactic the nurse listens to. Estrella demands their
money back for the health service that they never received. She reflects on
the situation with her mother later, "You talk and talk and talk to them and
they ignore you. But you pick up a crowbar and break the pictures of their children,
and all of a sudden they listen real fast" (151). By breaking the pictures of
the nurse's children, Estrella symbolically threatens the safety of the nurse's
children and family, evidencing the Anglo woman's distancing of her concerns
for her own family from the families of farm workers. Her class privilege in
inextricably linked to a kind of white heterosexual privilege, symbolized by
the photos of her children that evoke the institution of family. Further,
because of the facts that 1) the Anglo nurse does not inhabit the power of the
title doctor; 2) her power is limited—as she puts it "I only work here.
I'm real sorry . . . I couldn't say" (145); and because 3) she, like Petra, is
also a mother, she inhabits a space that could enable her to be an ally; however, she is enmeshed in the institutions
of racism and capitalism, and ensnared in her own set of gendered, classed, social
expectations—represented by the numerous references to her red
lipstick—to see past her own "lipstick smeared" lips and see the blood
spilled by the exploitative system of capitalism. Such a portrayal does
theoretical work of pointing to some of the ideological divisions between women
that have prevented alliances between women—or, in this case, the
divisions that often cause Anglo women to be aligned with colonial power and
institutions that exploit Chicanas. Because this Anglo woman is so
unsympathetic, it effectively urges her Anglo women readers to not be
like this Anglo nurse.
[26] Viramontes
draws a parallel between the institutions of health care, the family, and
education—and Anglo women's roles respective roles—and the
naturalization of violence against farm workers and racism within agribusiness.
Under the Feet of Jesus denaturalizes the racist words of the teacher,
Mrs. Horn, who taught Estrella that "words could become as excruciating as
rusted nails piercing the heals of her bare feet" (25). Estrella wanted to
learn, to be empowered through knowledge,
[b]ut some of the
teachers were more concerned about the dirt under her fingernails. They
inspected her head for lice, parting her long hair with ice cream sticks . . .
They said good luck to her when the pisca was over, reserving the desks in the
back of the classroom for the next batch of migrant children. (25)
Viramontes confronts such
institutionalized racism in the school system as part of the ideological fuel
that fires the machinery of capitalism. When they are headed to the medical
clinic the car gets stuck in mud, and at this moment, Estrella "thought of the
young girl that Alejo had told her about, the one girl they found in the La
Brea Tar Pits. They found her in a few bones. No details of her life were
left behind, no piece of cloth, no ring, no doll . . . Estrella's shoes were
completely buried in the mud" (129). Estrella sinks into the mud, and her life
and her struggles are metaphorically paralleled with the girl in the tar pits.
As Carlos Gallego explains, when Estrella learns of the girl who dies in the
tar pits she understands the economic realities of her life in relation to
others (Lecture). Significantly, the
physical act of resistance by Estrella takes place after she thinks about the
tar pits, the history of the land, and the political economy of exploitation
that the nurse—and by implication many other Anglo Americans—cannot
see. With her tool in her hand, Estrella, which means star in Spanish,
radiantly challenges the ways that Chicanas and Chicanos have been forgotten in
the dominant discourses of history, erased from a history of the land.
The Absence of Anglo Women in
Moraga's Heroes and Saints and
the Portrayal of Chicano Masculinity:
[27] Whereas in Under
the Feet of Jesus two Anglo women reflect
the reality of racism and a history of divisions between women, in Moraga's Heroes
and Saints Anglo women are absent. Given the emphasis that Moraga places
on alliances across race in Loving in the War Years, Waiting in the
Wings, and This Bridge
Called my Back, the evident
lack of Anglo women in Heroes and Saints attests to the reality of the failure on the part of
Anglo women to protest the exploitation of farm workers. The public protests
in the play are organized by Chicana mothers who are farm workers and whose
babies have died. A Chicana, Amparo Manríquez, founds the "Mothers for
McLaughlin" protest movement, and the play is centered around the effects of
pesticide poisoning on Chicana mothers. Because the play is based on history,
Moraga's choice not to include Anglo women is grounded in historical reality.
The absence of Anglo women in Heroes and Saints should suggest to Anglo
women audiences and readers—especially feminists—the necessity for
joining and supporting such boycotts and other forms of protest by Chicana farm
workers.
[28] Moraga maps a
gendered geography of a violent landscape, from the police brutality against
Amparo—based on the beating of Dolores Huerta—to the damages that pesticide
poisoning causes mothers' reproductive systems and the wounds inflicted on
Chicana bodies. In the final scene of the play, Cerezita gives a speech,
boldly protesting exploitation, pesticide use, and attempts by ranchers to
cover up the numbers of babies who have died. She proclaims, "Put your hand
inside my wound. Inside the valley of my wound, there is a people. A miracle
people" (2.11.80-81). Cerezita's body is itself a wound. As a talking head
she literally represents the physicality of violence enacted against farm
workers: she has no arms, no legs, not even a torso. This character's
physical disability further renders her other, and yet she uses the only weapon
her body has: her tongue. In the end, reminding them that they presumably live
in a "land of plenty," Cerezita tells the farm workers to have courage,
empowering them to resist: "today, this day, that red memory will spill out
from inside you and flood this valley con coraje. And you will be free. Free
to name this land Madre. Madre Tierra. Madre Sagrada. Madre . . . Libertad.
The radiant mother . . . rising" (2.11.101-104). Moraga connects protest and
social justice for farm workers to the land, to the environment. After this
powerful speech Cerezita uses her chin to push a button on her motorized
platform and exit the stage with Juan, the Priest, to put Cerezita's sister's
dead baby on a cross in the vineyards. A helicopter sound, followed by machine
gun fire, presumably kills them; their act of protest had been deemed illegal
because it drew media attention to the death that results from pesticide
poisoning.
[29] Cerezita's
brother Mario had left to live in San Francisco, but it is crucial that he
reappears for the final protest scene and that it is a queer Chicano and a
severely disabled Chicana who rally the people to resist. Mario's and
Cerezita's roles in the play suggests the importance of alliances between gay,
lesbian, queer, and straight Chicanos and Chicanas. In the last words of the
play, he suggests, "Burn the fields!" and the people, El Pueblo, reply "¡Enciendan
los files! ¡Asesinos! ¡Asesinos! ¡Asesinos! (2.11.107-110). The people support
Mario's radical call to burn the fields, echoing it in Spanish, along with a
just accusation aimed at the murderers, the betrayers of the farm workers.
Mario had previously left the farm worker community, and had been rejected by
his mother Dolores for being gay: "Why you wannu make yourself como una mujer?
Why you wannu do this to the peepo who love you?" (1.12). As Yarbro-Bejarano
points out, Moraga uses Dolores to critique the way that Chicanas perpetuate
homophobia in Chicano communities. When Mario's mother suggests that he get
married, Mario explains to his mother that he does not want to be like his
father, a womanizer who abandoned his family: "That's not the kind of man I
want to be" (1.9). Mario's character thus rewrites possibilities of Chicano
masculinity as well as sexuality and simultaneously acts in resistance to
colonial male power and profit in the agribusiness industry.
[30] Both Moraga's
and Viramontes's depictions of Chicanos challenge the assumption that Emma
Pérez rightly critiques, that Anglos, including feminists, all too often
critique Chicanos as sexist but fail to recognize that "men of their race make
the rules" (163). Moraga also portrays a straight Chicano positively, further
questioning the negative stereotype of Chicano masculinity and suggesting that
men have choices about their actions. For example, Don Gilberto plays a minor,
but significant supporting role as husband to Amparo. Right before her protest
speech she confides to him: "I think I got the cold feet" (1.9). He
encourages her, reminding her that all the people are there waiting for her:
"You got all this gente here esperándote. (She hesitates). ¡Adelante,
mujer!" (1.9). Later, he explains that he does not want to be like his own
father: "When a man leaves his wife alone to raise his kids, well to me that
no longer qualifies him to be a man" (1.12). His character challenges
definitions of masculinity, and alongside Mario's character they both question
gendered expectations for Chicanos. Because Mario and Don Gilberto do not want
to be like their fathers, Moraga points to the reality that definitions of
masculinity are learned, and can thus be unlearned and questioned rather than
repeated.
[31] In Under
the Feet of Jesus, Perfecto Flores
is a good man whose struggles emphasize that the Anglo farmers and the Anglo
woman in the medical clinic "make the rules." His name alone, in English,
means Perfect Flowers, which causes him to symbolically embody what would be
thought of as opposite to masculinity. He teaches Estrella how to use tools,
and it is the crow bar that she uses to resist the Anglo woman and get Alejo to
the hospital. When they arrive at the hospital they leave Alejo at the door
because they cannot pay for help. Perfecto Flores is powerless as a man to do
anything more for Alejo except hope that the hospital will care for him.
Estrella thanks him, and he reflects:
He had given this
country his all, and in this land that used his bones for kindling, in this
land that never once in the thirty years he lived and worked, never once said
thank you, this young woman who could be his granddaughter had said the words
with such honest gratitude, he was struck by how deeply these words touched
him. (155)
As a Chicano farm worker he is not
valued in American culture—he does not have the power that those who run
the agribusiness have. Similarly, Moraga demonstrates through Don Gilberto, a
janitor, and Mario, a gay son of farm workers, that feminist analysis of gender
oppression and masculinity necessitates attention to intersecting issues of
race, class, and sexuality. Mario's lack of privilege, as a working-class
queer Chicano, and Cerezita's lack of privilege as a disabled Chicana whose
working-class mother hides her in a closet, serve to underscore the
inter-relationship between the Anglo nurse's white, heterosexual, bodily, and
economic class privileges in Under the Feet of Jesus, privileges which
contribute to resistance on the part of some Anglo women to radical social
change.
Feminist Theories and Praxis:
[32] Moraga and Viramontes protest the naturalization of continued
violence against Chicanos and Chicanas, but also the prevalent ideologies about
labor and the people who perform it. In 1994, just a year before Under the
Feet of Jesus was published, and the same year that Heroes and Saints
was published, Proposition 187 was passed
in California. The proposition attempted to refuse state services such as
medical care and education to undocumented people and their children (Cacho,
389). Basically, as Lisa Marie Cacho explains, the "supporters of 187
requested that mothers give birth in the streets, that people die from curable
diseases, and that families go hungry. But, they did not ask that undocumented
workers stop working" (389). The passing of this proposition reflects the
anti-immigration and racist cultural contexts during which both Under the
Feet of Jesus and Heroes
and Saints were written.
Given the current militarization of the U.S. Mexico border (compared to the
attention the U.S. Canada border earns), continued anti-immigrant propositions
(such as the ballots of 2006 in Arizona), and the executive actions by
President George W. Bush in 2007 to build what he calls a whole new "infrastructure"
along the border, there is an urgency to further work in feminisms that
emphasizes the effects of such violent government practices on Chicanas.
[33] Under the Feet of Jesus points
out that ideologies about the border affect undocumented workers as well as
citizens of the United States, and thus suggests a necessity for feminist
transnational alliances that address the effects of exploitation on Chicanas,
Mexicanas, and Latinas. Perhaps, as we continue to decolonize feminisms, there
will be more Anglo women acting in solidarity and protesting anti-immigration,
pesticides, and exploitation. Both Moraga's play and Viramontes's novel
function to raise awareness, which would then ideally lead to action. In the
case of Under the Feet of Jesus, the negative portrayals of Anglo women confront the reality of racism
on the part of Anglo women, but they also serve to encourage awareness and an
unlearning of racism. As Lorde rightly suggests, romanticized notions of
sisterhood that do not confront racism are useless: "For then beyond
sisterhood, is still racism" (97). Heroes and Saints and Under the Feet of Jesus intervene in
feminisms and call for changes, for theoretical changes in feminisms and
practical changes in praxis. As Moraga
explains in This Bridge Called My Back, in her essay "La Güera," "We have failed to demand
that white women, particularly those who claim to be speaking for all women, be
accountable for their racism. The dialogue has simply not gone deep enough"
(33).
[34] Viramontes and Moraga write the violences committed against the land
and the people who labor on the land, mapping a geography of oppression within
the gendered, racialized spaces of a capitalist system. They point to the
reality that working-class Chicanos do not have access to the institutionalized
corporate power of Anglo men, and thus suggest the necessity of not lumping all
men under the label of patriarchy. Under the Feet of Jesus and Heroes
and Saints de-romanticize the
"corporate made" image of the "sun maid" as well as the colonial imaginings of
a Southwestern landscape that erase the political economy of exploitation. Under
the Feet of Jesus marks the brutality of industrialization on the land:
"Still on her feet, Estrella turned to the long stretch of railroad ties. They
looked like the stitches of the mother's caesarean scar as far as her eyes
could see" (59). The railroad, the often celebrated symbol of
industrialization and American expansionism, is likened to the wound on a
mother's body. Similarly, in Heroes and Saints, Cerezita speaks of her body as a wounded landscape.
Within a troubled landscape of exploitation and a history of colonialism, both
Viramontes and Moraga write counter-hegemonic cartographies that de-romanticize
labor and imagine further resistance.
[35] Further, Heroes and Saints points to a connection between the exploited people in the United
States and the exploited people in San Salvador: a radio broadcast reports
that six Jesuit priests, and their housekeeper and her daughter, were "brutally
murdered" (1.11). They had been "outspoken opponents to the ruling rightist
ARENA party" (1.11). Moraga thus makes a connection between Latina workers in
San Salvador and Chicana workers in California. This moment in the play, when
considered next to Moraga's emphasis on alliances between women, points in the
direction of transnational feminisms. Likewise, Under the Feet of Jesus
addresses the realities of exploitation
within the United States in a way that allows for alliances between women
across national borders—particularly when considering that Latinas are
exploited around the world by U.S. corporations. Considering the context of
globalization and a political economy within which maximization of profits
occurs more and more at the expense of women's bodies, there is an urgency for
people to see the scars that Moraga and Viramontes expose and strategically act
in opposition to try to heal troubled lands because, as Estrella challenges her
mother regarding resistance, there is "[n]o sense talking tough unless you do
it" (45). Estrella's bold statement could also be read as a call for Anglo
feminists to think about how racism has affected their lives and ideologies and
to (continue to) work toward decolonizing feminisms—not just in theory
but in praxis—in the twenty-first century.
WORKS CITED
Belton, Patrick. "The Children Who Pick Our Grapes." Peace
Review 12.3 (2000): 463-67.
Brady, Mary Pat. Extinct Lands, Temporal Geographies:
Chicana Literature and the Urgency of Space. Durham: Duke University
Press, 2002.
Cacho, Lisa. "'The People of California are Suffering':
The Ideology of White Injury in Discourses of Immigration." Cultural Values
4.4 (2000): 389-418.
del Castillo, Adelaida R. "Mexican Women in Organization." Mexican
Women in the United States: Struggles Past and Present. Ed. Magdalena Mora and Adelaida R. del Castillo. Los
Angeles: Chicano Research Center Publications, University of California, 1980:
7-16.
"Environmental Toxins: Changes Needed to Reduce Migrant
Farm Worker Exposure to Pesticides." Cancer Weekly 20 Jan. 2004: 56-7.
Gallego, Carlos. "Chicano Literature and the Problem of
Identity." Arizona Quarterly Symposium. March 2004.
hooks, bell. Feminism is for Everybody. Cambridge:
South End Press, 2000.
Hosansky, David. "Regulating Pesticides: Does the New
Crackdown Go Far Enough—or Too Far?" CQ Researcher 9.29 (1999): 667-80.
Latimer, Dan. "The La Brea Tar Pits, Tongues of Fire:
Helena María Viramontes's Under the Feet of Jesus and Its Background." Soundings 85.3-4 (2002): 323-46.
Martínez, Elizabeth, and Ed McCaughan. "Chicanas and
Mexicanas Within a Transnational Working Class." Between Borders: Essays
on Mexicana/Chicana History. Ed. Adelaida R. Del Castillo. Encino:
Floricanto Press, 1990: 31-60.
Moraga, Cherríe. Heroes and Saints and Other Plays.
Albuquerque: West End Press, 1994.
----------. Loving in the War Years: lo que nunca pasó
por sus labios. Second Edition. Cambridge: Southend Press, 2000.
----------. Waiting in the Wings: Portrait of a Queer
Motherhood. Ithaca: Firebrand
Books, 1997.
Newman, Penny. "Cancer Clusters Among Children: The
Implications of McFarland." Center for
Community Action and Environmental Justice (CCAEJ). 8 Nov. 2004. <http://www.ccaej.org>.
Ruiz de Burton, María Amparo. The Squatter and the Don.
Eds. Pita, Beatrice, and Rosaura Sánchez. Houston: Arte Público Press, 1997.
Salazar, Mary K., et. al. "Hispanic Adolescent Farmworkers'
Perceptions Associated with Pesticide Exposure." Western Journal of Nursing
Research 26.2 (2004): 146-66.
Sandoval, Chela. Methodology of the Oppressed. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2000.
Shea, Anne. "'Don't Let Them Make You Feel You Did a
Crime': Immigration Law, Labor Rights, and Farmworker Testimony." MELUS
28.1 (2003): 123-44.
Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror: A History of
Multicultural America. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1993.
Viramontes, Helena
María. Under the Feet of Jesus. New York: Penguin, 1995.
Yarbro-Bejarano, Yvonne.
The Wounded Heart: Writing on Cherríe Moraga. Austin: U of Texas P, 2001.
Contributor’s Note:
ARIANNE BURFORD earned her Ph.D. in English at the University of
Arizona and is currently a full-time Faculty Lecturer in the Women's Studies
Department at the University of Arizona. She is working on revising her
dissertation into a book. |
Copyright
©2008
Ann Kibbey.
Back to:






|